i
To my WSCF Family,
As I prepare myself to leave WSCF and move on to another arena in my
life, I found myself reviewing the past and engaging in deep thought about my
work and some program related issues I encountered in working for the past five
years as the Coordinator of the Regional Women’s Program. I suddenly realized that there are quite a
lot of them. Some were trivial but
others were significant questions and critique which has led to some changes in
the way we do things in the Federation.
For instance, there was no WSCF Pre-women’s Assembly in the last GA in
With the institutionalization of the WSCF AP Women’s Program in the Asia
Pacific region and an impressive background in women’s work, I felt that
somehow a more holistic picture should be shown and presented as an anti-theses
to the growing concern over the perceived notion that women’s empowerment is no
longer an important agenda in the Federation.
This is not to deny the fact that indeed there are some weaknesses in
the past, and appropriate changes should be made in some area and
strategy. But to deny the important
contribution of the women’s program in the life of the Federation is
unforgivable. This is perhaps the main
purpose of this issue of Praxis, to highlight and celebrate the contribution of
women and women’s program in the life of the Federation.
This issue of Praxis will focus more on internal rather than external
issues that affect the Federation. In
the section on Perspective, Yong Ting Jin, WSCF AP former Regional Secretary
and one of the pioneers of the Women’s Program, wrote a substantive article on
the history and the issues related to the Women’s Program of the region. Women’s Space discusses the WSCF Framework of
Analysis on Women’s Oppression highlighting some of the critical points in this
framework, and finally excerpt of interviews done by two young women to two
senior friends who has made great contribution to the Federation.
Perhaps as an end note, I would
like to quote Sr. Marj Tuite,
when she challenged WSCF women in a meeting early in the 80’s:
“May you have the passion for justice when
ours falters
May
you have a sense of humor when we lose ours
May
you have compassion for others when ours become selective
May
you have strength and courage to risk
When
some of us are afraid to speak
Take
with you
Don’t give up on us
You
are the creators of the new”
Necta Montes
Outgoing Regional
Women’s Coordinator
1
PERSPECTIVE
Remembering our Stories: Appropriating the History of Regional Women’s Programme [RWP]
by Yong
Ting Jin
The formation of Asia-Pacific Women’s Committee in 1984 and
inception of Regional Women’s Programme [RWP] in 1985
have their deep roots and foundation dating back to a much longer history in
the Federation. Our own history of women
in the region albeit brief has to be appropriated within the larger history of
the WSCF. The birth, growth and
development of the programme have gone beyond geographical boundaries, time and
space. Hence it should also be a
remembering of our history within the global-historical setting of the
Federation. This history has basically 2
levels: the external and internal.
External: Global
Women’s Liberation Movement
It is important to see and link women’s new consciousness and the
progress of regional women’s programme by locating it within the larger women’s
movement. At the international scene, a
progressive surge of women’s movement was gaining momentum across the globe
making an impact across class, race, creed and gender. This general and specific uprising of
women’s liberation movement all over the world led to the United Nations
declaration that 1975 be marked as the International Year of Women. Followed by
this the Women’s Decade [1975-1985] was launched and the International Tribunal
on Crimes Against Women was established. At the same period, women’s struggle on
issues of justice and equality were emerging as a question of liberation within
the larger human liberation in the soils of Asia-Pacific. This external influence had a direct
challenge to women in the SCMs and an indirect impact on the Federation.
Internal:
Remembering the Rich Tradition of Our Foremothers
Today we have arrived at yet another historical moment. But we owe this moment to our foremothers and
sisters who have gone before us in the 100 years of WSCF history! Women in the
Federation have created history for change and transformation since the
founding of WSCF. Their participation
and leadership have laid a strong foundation on which we build our regional programme. Today we claim and inherit this rich and
invaluable tradition of our foremothers.
There were many significant periods and generations of women’s
participation and critical involvement in the history of WSCF. However, many her-stories went unrecorded,
unheard and perhaps even untold in the past century of WSCF life. It is only in the recent two decades that
women realized they have to reclaim, research and
re-write that part of herstory, known as history,
which had formed an essential and significant part of memory and hope in the
Federation.
There are two significant periods that have had a direct impact on the
history of the Regional Women’s Project and Programme, first is 1972 to 1976
and 1977 to 1981. Women’s leadership
2
elected in the Federation; 1972 North American women initiated a WSCF
Women’s Project; 1976 European women set up a WSCF Women’s Project.
In 1977 to 1981, Women’s leadership increased originating from several
regions including
The 1977 General Assembly was a major decisive moment and turning point
that heralded in a series of women’s activities and programmes, particularly in
Asia-Pacific. This marked a new era of
awakening in the region with a greater leap forward for we have inherited the
rich tradition of our foremothers and enjoyed the fruits of their labour and toil.
They have sown the seeds and paved the way forward. We note specifically women whose leadership
and voices have created a major difference in the two General Assemblies of
1977 [
This is an important remembering on many counts. Because this older generation of our
mothers/sisters who created history in the last two decades are still making
their voices heard not only in the WSCF but also in the church and society at
large!
Looking at Our Own Formation and Progress
Context,
Perspective and Analysis of Women’s Oppression
The birth and development of the RWP were rooted in the soils of
One general perspective and common framework of analysis women hold in
the region is that patriarchy is a system and ideology that have been the
overarching rule over other social systems and ideologies. Women found themselves tied to the chains of
patriarchy, its ideology and system which had socially conditioned them for so
long from the domestic to social, cultural, economic, political, religious and
educational realms of life. The multiple
forms and manifestations of discrimination and violence against women were the
common stories and experiences of women in the home, social and religious
places and communities. This common
framework for critical analysis of patriarchy and gender oppression was also
adopted based on class, race and gender perspectives.
Our Vision and
Direction
In the context of our realities in the region, SCM-WSCF women identified
themselves in the struggle for change.
Our context and involvement at the micro and macro levels have
influenced and shaped our perspective and vision, which were to translate into
our collective plans of action and strategies for building up women and developing
women’s programme over the years.
3
Therefore the vision for change and transformation was two-fold.
Firstly, it is analytical in perspective.
The women’s struggle forms an integral part of the total human struggle
from all forms of oppression towards liberation and new humanity. As the experience of the reality was more
than a double oppression, the ensuing tasks were also more than double. There is a need for solidarity with women in
struggle who are most oppressed based on their class, race, and gender
background. There is a need to strive
for change and liberation in the larger society. There is also a need for
change and liberation within SCM-WSCF and the church.
Secondly, it is theological. As
equally important as a complement to this analytical approach, is the question
of making sense of our faith in God: how do we link our faith with our stories
and the many stories of women in church and society? Therefore there is the need to re-read and
re-interpret the Bible; to encourage and equip women for doing theology from
the young women’s experiences and perception.
Areas of Concerns and Issues
Critique of SCM
Structure
A Majority of the SCMs is male dominated and patriarchal in terms of
structure and organisational set-up. In many ways movement building, leadership
style and formation are highly male in perspectives and action, including
programme and strategies, planning and implementation. There are questions raised on the types of programme
catered to meet the needs of male and female members. What have been the decision-making
processes? Where is the place of women
in participation and leadership? Do the
policy, constitution and by- laws of SCMs and WSCF develop women membership and
leadership? Have the programmes integrated
women and address the emerging question of women’s oppression and gender
inequality?
Therefore in light of the above issues and problems faced by women in
the SCMs on all levels, the need for structural changes was urgent. The task ahead was an uphill struggle as
women identify, name the problems and tackled them with great care and tactful
strategies. It was clear that the call
for re-structuring is a holistic issue, which also looked at the question of quantity
and quality as two sides of the same coin.
Leadership,
Legislation and lntegration
The need to build up and strengthen women for greater participation and
leadership at all levels of movement life - local, national and regional was an
urgent task and high priority of the region.
Women are giving a new input to the whole concept and model of
leadership, including are-definition to bring up a new generation of student
and women leaders at all levels. As much
of the leadership role model has been shaped by male bias, the concept with its
praxis of leadership has to be freed from the highly patriarchal connotations
and its subtle entanglements. Critical
leadership formation must then work towards collective power-sharing between
men and women, students and senior friends; consultative and participatory
process in approach; empowering women and students with great sensitivity and
tactfulness. Its renewed perspective
must be gender and language inclusive too.
Thus, it is believed that such a re-definition and renewed understanding
of leadership will also inject a fresh feminist perspective in re-reading the
Bible and making faith reflections. This
renewed and inclusive perspective should influence its entire structure,
movement-building and national programme.
The desired outcome and hope was that women’s issues and perspective be
fully integrated into the national programme and total life of SCM-WSCF. Underlying this too was the hope that the
common social reading of society would gradually
4
incorporate the women’s perspective. The thrust for the above strategies stressed
on the quality of development and training.
On the other side of the same coin, the strategy for quantity was to
look at how women’s participation and leadership could be improved and
increased in numbers through changes and amendments in policy, constitution and
by-laws. This is not a shallow number
game but a responsible exercise of appropriating power and politics, of
asserting/claiming women’s rights and equal place in contributing to the life
of the movement and WSCF.
This is gradually taking root and undergoing many reforms and changes in
constitutional and policy matters, in all the national and regional structures,
in decision-making bodies, leadership formation, movement building and training
programmes. As a result, changes in
policy and amendments in constitution and by-laws affecting male/female
representation to committee meetings and general assemblies, balance in gender
representation were adhered to. However this process of implementation was met
with various problems. Certain movements
chose and continued to ignore the process.
A further important change to ensure women’s empowerment was to
institute legislation for women. It was
proposed that a whole new section to formalize women’s participation and
leadership be written and inserted into the by-laws. At the Regional Committee meeting held in
1989 in
However, in order to maintain a balance between the quantity-quality
growth, attention must be given to develop women leadership at the
local/national levels. But based on
several evaluations and observations many SCMs have treated numbers as mere
tokenism or window-dressing. In many
movements women’s participation at many levels were hampered, discouraged or
marginalized. There was a serious
neglect in quality training and education for women. This was perceived and experienced as a
deliberate political decision and action by male-dominated movements.
WSCF Women and
Church
It has been a
positive tradition and role of the SCM and WSCF to critique the church
institution. However, this critique is
limited and has its shortcomings. It has
failed to address the church as a patriarchal institution where violence
against women is a reality in its life and witness. It has been silent on crucial issues that
reinforced the negative image of women such as male biblical interpretations,
sexist language, church doctrines and Christian traditions.
Plagued by its own problems of leadership, structure, etc, it is unable
to go beyond its own captivity to address the whole question of women’s
participation and leadership in the church.
For as long as the SCMs are male-dominated in character, structure and
leadership, women’s struggle for liberation from violence in the church will
still be high on the agenda. So how many more “ecumenical decade” will the
church and SCM-WSCF need in order to attain full solidarity in commitment and
action?
Women and Men
Caucuses
In the beginning women initiated their own caucus back in as early as
1982. But the women’s caucus was a
regular activity outside of the structured schedule of several regional
programmes, mainly the HRD, Regional Committee and CCA-WSCF Consultation. They had to meet outside of the structured
schedule as it either did not consider this as an important part or cater to
meet the need of the
5
women participants. Despite the intense programme women had to
cope with, they had to meet during break time or odd hours when the male participants
enjoyed their rest or break.
As a result over the years, questions were raised and suggestions made
that this should be built into the programmes as an important process of
creating awareness. Also when the women
met, the male participants generally felt insecure or threatened. But for the women they asked why couldn’t the men do something about their problem!
Some men who were more sympathetic and sensitive were about to respond
and expressed that they would like to meet in their own caucus. The outcome of this process led to the men’s
caucus side by side with the women’s plus the new component of a joint
caucus. By this time the various
caucuses became a part of the programme proper and were soon integrated into
the main structure of all most regional programmes.
Being a process of empowerment the caucuses were aimed at increasing
gender awareness and education of both men and women participants. Furthermore, this has resulted positively in
realizing the need to provide male facilitator(s) for the men caucus.
It is a major milestone in the region for attaining the employment of a
full-time Regional Women’s Coordinator.
The idea was prompted by a constant felt-need as early as 1987 voiced at
the then Regional Women’s Committee.
Since then the felt-need was recognized and affirmed repeatedly which
resulted in working towards the goal. It
was finally realized in January 1993.
This marked the beginning of a further stage of women’s development in
the life of the SCMs and WSCF in Asia-Pacific.
SCM Men: From
Resistance to Openness
Just as the development of the Women’s
Programme is historic, so too is the resistance of men in the SCMs and WSCF. In fact, the whole encounter and
confrontation at each given period during programmes, committee meetings at
various levels have been a very painful process which needed a lot of care,
sensitivity and tactfulness.
What did the men think and say about/against the women? The women were told that: a
women’s issues and movement were western and liberal; their liberation
would come when the national struggle for liberation was achieved; they were
perceived as emotional, inferior, less capable than men in almost every field
of work except the domestic chores; their place was naturally in the home
rather than church and the larger society.
What did women think and tell the men?
They were told that: they were male chauvinists, ego-centric, sexist,
exclusive, oppressive, etc; more mind than heart; without much feeling; they
were perceived to have thought of themselves as superior than women; their
place and position was in the church and society, etc.
Women were hurt and angered while men felt insecure and threatened for
very varied personal and cultural reasons. Yet amidst anger, frustrations and
pains, the growing awareness and openness of more enlightened men became a
positive sign. Through formal and
informal debates and exchanges, through the separate and joint caucuses, there
were steps taken by a good number of men who suggested for the re-education of
men in the SCMs and WSCF. The underlying challenge here is that men too need to
be freed from the patriarchal web of enslavement.
The outcome of this good intention was expressed in two written reports
submitted by men. The first was a report
by the men’s caucus during the 1989 Regional Committee Meeting. It was a significant report on a special
encounter between men and women with minimum tension and conflict. It is also significant to note that it was at
this same meeting that
6
an equal number of women and men were
nominated and assigned to work on amendments of the Regional Bye-Laws,
including the draft of the entire new chapter on the Regional Women’s
Committee. This was written for revision
and adoption in the next two years by the Regional Women’s Committee and the
1991 Regional Committee.
The second report was meant to be some kind of a follow up from the
1989’s intentions and plans. This was
made at the men’s caucus in New Delhi Regional Committee meeting in 1995 prior
to WSCF General Assembly in
However, except for some ongoing initiative carried out by exceptional
local/national movements, much of what were intended/discussed in the two
reports have remained in the shelves.
The big question “why?” still remains!
The Idea of Partnership
The idea of partnership implies an “open-ended” discovery of life
together with new dimensions and dynamics.
Since women’s problems are men’s problems, women’s struggle for
liberation should be equally men’s struggle for liberation. This of course demanded a more intentional
and affirmative response from the men through discussion and study
together. In 1992, the Student
Empowerment for Transformation [SET] programme was planned as an attempt to
search for meaningful partnership in their personal/individual lives and their
collective life as SCM/WSCF.
Men’s Liberation
will be Women’s Liberation
In the earliest initial promotion of the Women’s Project and Programme,
it was thought and envisioned that only women needed liberation from all forms
of gender oppression and violence against them.
Women who struggled for their rights, for justice and freedom have only
to work and strive for themselves and for other women. Progressive and enlightened men were expected
to assume their role and participation in terms of giving support and
solidarity. But gradually more and more
women began to realize that men too needed their own liberation from the claws
of patriarchy.
The liberation of men is distinct from that of women. The former is perceived from the viewpoint of
being the beneficiaries of the patriarchal ideology and system while the latter
is one of an oppressed and discriminated position in the systemic patriarchy
and its ideology. But like women, men have to be freed from the personal, social,
cultural and structural levels. Such a process is visible only among a small
minority of SCM men. Only one or two
SCMs have a formal/regular men’s group/caucus.
But the thought of men’s need for liberation is neither a widespread
notion nor recognition by men themselves.
There is still ample lip service paid for the recognition of women’s
rights while it has become more like a populist rhetoric. The initiative along with the process had to
spring from a personal conviction, experience and repentance. Without this process, true and genuine, equal
and responsible partnership will not come about. And most of all there will not be total human
liberation from all forms of bondage and oppression.
Women A Different
Political Force
In making a self
critical assessment of our own programme at this juncture, one could appraise
that we have assumed a distinct role particularly in the political life of the
Federation at varying degrees in the movements and region. Indeed, the role we have played has called
into question the history, structure, movement building, leadership, theology
and overall praxis of the global fellowship.
These critical and new questions are demanding for new and different
answers. By our passion and action we
have demonstrated ourselves a visible and vocal political force in the life of
the Federation.
7
Women’s Approach
to Re-construct History
From our storytelling to analyzing and evaluating our history, we are
giving a fresh women’s approach to write or re-construct our histories. Stories are viewed as expressions of
experience. But if they told only of
male experience they have not spoken for you and me and women in the
SCM-WSCF. Therefore women need to tell
and interpret herstory because history is remembering
one’s past, one’s identity, one’s story and one’s experience. So let us continue to create history as we
march towards the millennium as well as into the second century of WSCF
history!
(This paper was presented at the WSCF AP Women’s Assembly in Bangalore,
India, 1999)
WOMENS
SPACE
On the Analysis of Women’s Oppression and the WSCF Women’s Program
by Necta Montes, outgoing Regional Women’s Coordinator
Why is it important to review the
“Framework of Analysis on Women’s Oppression” at this time in the life of the
Federation? What has taken place that
brought forth the question of the framework in the Agenda of the last WSCF
General Assembly in
These questions and a lot more
could just be the same questions that people who attended the last WSCF General
Assembly had in their minds. These are
valid questions to ask at a time when there seems to be a cloud of doubt on the
merits and validity of organizing women’s only meetings and programs in the
Federation. The difficulty however is,
there are no concrete questions, proposals, nor any basis of the criticism that
were put forward to which we can respond.
Thus, this exercise of reviewing the framework and dealing on the issue
of Partnership rests on assumptions and perhaps on gut-feeling that indeed this
is the most opportune time to deal with this concern. Also, the need probably
stems from the seeming decline in interest of doing women’s work in the
Federation today.
The Analysis on Women’s Oppression
document, was written and produced by members of the WSCF Women’s Commission in
1986 and has been the reason of our women’s programs and initiatives in the
Federation since then. It was a product of a collective effort and an attempt
to give answers to the so-called “Women’s Question”, that has been cropping up
time and again in Federation meetings and conferences in the 70’s until the
early 80’s. The seed of this effort started way back in the late 70’s, in the
Colombo General Assembly, where there was a proposal for a Women pre-Assembly
in the 1981 General Assembly in San Francisco. In the 1986 Mexico General
Assembly, a Women’s Commission was formed, the co-secretary model was proposed
and the “Analysis on Women’s Oppression” came into being. This does not deny
however that similar questions were also being raised
prior to the
Following these Assemblies,
significant amount of resources,
8
personnel and time were put into organizing women’s program
and committees, both in the regional and national level. In the Asia Pacific region, a Regional
Women’s Program was created in 1986 and a Regional Women’s Committee was formed
simultaneously. First the effort was to give space for women to participate
through structural and constitutional changes, developing women leadership,
institutionalizing women’s programs and positions in the national
movements. Women who attended the
Pre-Women’s Meeting at the past two GA’s were the pioneering and moving spirit
in all these events. The energy,
enthusiasm, passion and solidarity shared among these women were tremendous. It
was like opening up a flood gate, where the water overwhelmingly engulfed the
whole of the Federation. And why not? This was an
issue that has longed for recognition and where half of the Federation’s
membership can easily identify with and was passionately involve in.
The Framework: A Question of Ideology
Was the analysis of the women’s situation and problems presented in the
document “Analysis of Women’s Oppression” correct? Is
it still applicable to our situation today? The analysis reflected the
situation, voices, aspirations of women in the 80’s and its validity for that
period cannot be questioned today. It
defined the kind of oppression women experience in various fields of life; it
reflects the strong ideological standpoint of the movements with regards to the
women’s question at that time. A careful look at the framework reveals the
strong socialist perspective in defining the problem of women. It was a product
of a particular historical juncture both internal and external of the
Federation. It has been an important document and still is for us today.
In the late 80’s until early 90’s, following the collapse of the
Socialism in Eastern Europe and USSR, two WSCF Assemblies tackled the difficult
task of reviewing the use of Socialist tools of analysis in defining and
understanding the issues that confronts the world. The trend was moving towards
abandoning the “old framework” and to make way and open-up to post modern tool
of analysis as an alternative, often referred to as a “paradigm shift” in
ecumenical jargon. To date, the result of this discourse is not yet clear and
can still be considered as an ongoing debate in WSCF. The Women’s framework was
left out in this important process.
There was no effort to tune-in the women’s perspective in the whole
debate. The reason for this is still unclear. However, it is not a remote
possibility that this action was taken to avoid further ideological debates and
confrontation along gender lines.
The document itself is very simple. It laid down the definition of how
WSCF/SCM women perceived women’s oppression by enumerating the different forms
of women’s oppression in various sphere of life, the connection between gender,
class and race oppression, and the various strategies and task in order to
attain women’s liberation. The framework strongly advocates for women’s
liberation vis-à-vis people’s liberation. It is most likely that if the present
generation of young women in the SCMs/WSCF will go through a similar exercise,
they will come up with same analysis or perhaps an updated version.
Nonetheless, it is time for us to deal and confront the ideological dimension
of this document and our women’s work.
Our analysis will be the impetus to continue our work among young women
and define our role, strategy and tasks today. How to translate our analysis
into concrete action is the challenge for young women in the Federation today.
Has the situation of double and triple oppression of women (class, race
and gender oppression) been eliminated in many of our countries and has the
struggle for Women’s Liberation seized or has it been won? Has the basic structure of Patriarchy
abolished? The reality of women in my
region tells a different story. Our work in the Asia Pacific region points out
quite the opposite. New structures and mechanisms
9
have emerged that aggravated the situation of
women, especially among the poor women in many Asian countries. The advent of
globalization has further magnified this situation.
Effects of Globalization on Women in
How are women
affected by globalization? Women have
inevitably been pushed into two directions at the onset of globalization. One,
they are absorbed as laborers in the domestic economies as “cheap flexible
labor”, or as “ cheap exportable labors” for
countries/governments involved in international trading of labor and services.
In the first instance, women,
particularly in poor countries in Asia have been eased out of agriculture or
their traditional form of livelihood and have been absorbed into “women
specific/female prone work” a phenomenon that has emerged out of Newly
Industrialized Economies (NIEs) strategies of export
competitiveness. This type of work is characterized by low pay, labor
intensiveness, and reliance on low skills and technological know-how. The closure of certain export-oriented
companies and their transfer to another NIE country where labor and wage
policies are more favorable to increased profits,
makes this women workers vulnerable to unfair labor practices and exploitation.
The flow of labor migration, particularly of women has been massive in
the last twenty years. Globalization as
encouraged the growth of labor migration between the countries of East/South
East Asia, in addition to Middle East and
Trafficking of Women from poor countries and the revitalization of the
domestic prostitution has become a major industry in many countries in
Poor men and women in
“ The income gap between
the richest fifth of the world’s people and the poorest fifth, measured by
average national income per head, increased from 30 to one in1960 to74 to one
in 1997.”
“The fifth of the world’s people living in
the highest income countries has 86% per cent of world export markets, 68
percent of foreign direct investment, 74 percent of telephone lines. The bottom
fifth, in the poorest countries, has about one percent in each category.”
“ The 200 richest people in the world more than doubled
their net worth in the four years to 1998, to $1 trillion.”
10
In the face of all these developments, has the situation of women
improved? Has women been truly “Empowered”, as some proponents of globalization
claimed to have helped women? What is the prophetic role and task of WSCF in
giving new hope and “salvation” to women in this era of globalization?
The Women’s Agenda is Still a Valid
Organization Issue for WSCF
One reason why WSCF is unique and has thrived 100 long years of existence, is its ability to re-invent and critique itself
as an organization. The position and direction
it took with regards to the Women’s Struggle points very clearly to this
dynamism. WSCF has built up its
capabilities to be sensitive to these women’s issues because it dared to
listen, open its doors to women’s concern and their participation. We have made
WSCF a place was there is space for women to grow in harmony with men through
dialogues and caucuses. Modesty aside,
WSCF has been doing “gender programs” using a different language and themes
even before Non-Government Organizations (NGOs) and other groups started their
gender programs.
The role of the WSCF Women’s Commission has been very crucial and
critical in this process. Women in WSCF has showed and proven that women’s
leadership and style of work can be an alternative to the prevailing system of
hierarchy and domination. Collective spirit and participation and community
building characterized this style of leadership. This has proven to be effective, this
framework and women’s program would have not been realized if not for the collective
work and the spirit that flowed in the women in the 80’s. If there is one important contribution and
achievement of the Federation is the Women’s Program,
and the numerous women who have gone through the process, and who currently
making very important contributions in different fields and areas of work.
But is the current
generation conscious about all these? The Women’s Commission has been
mysteriously silent in the last four to five years. Like a wild beast that has
been tamed, you could hardly hear women’s voice and aspirations in meetings and
programs at the global level. But while we spend our time intellectualizing the
injustices done to women and figuring out the relevance of women’s work in
today’s world, we fail to respond to the reality of women’s oppression as it
unfolds everyday. While some of us have
the luxury of time to engage in senseless discourse about gender, women all
over the world confront the issue on a daily basis, often in life-threatening
situations. As a popular saying goes “ After all is said and done, there is much more said than
done”.
11
SOLIDARITY
The Emerging Global Scenario and the East Asian Perspective on Human Rights
by Michael C. Davis
Introduction
This essay aims to consider various claims about “Asian values” made in
relation to the East Asian human rights debate. I divide this discussion into
two parts: In the first part I consider and challenge the claims for exception
from important international human right standards made in the name of “Asian
values”. I believe these claims fail to capture the full richness of Asian
values discourse, are tautological and are excessively deterministic. In this
regard, I set aside presentation of the related economic development argument,
which is the subject of another recent article (
Claims about Culture
Turning first to the Asian values claims, I
offer a four-fold critique of the these culture-based claims: first, I will
briefly address the Asian values claim on a substantive level; second, I will
address a related cultural prerequisites argument which seeks to disqualify
some societies from realization of democracy and human rights; third, I will
consider claims made on behalf of community or communitarian values in the East
Asian context; and fourth, a recent shift to concern with institutions and
their role in social transformation will be considered as a prelude to the
constitutionalist argument addressed in the second half of this essay.
The Asian Values Debate
Taking up the first of these, the substantive content of the Asian
values claim, here I focus on political values and particularly address this
claim in the Confucian context. The substantive claim is that Confucian values are
anti-democratic; Asian societies, according to Samuel Huntington, are said to favour authority over liberty, the group over the
individual, duties over rights and such values as harmony, cooperation, order
and respect for hierarchy (Huntington, 1993). In this view, East Asian
societies are argued to be unsuited to democracy and human rights. That these
claims are usually made on behalf of authoritarian leaders raises suspicion
about their honesty.
In practical terms these claims are challenged both by the rapid recent
development of democracy and human rights in several East Asian societies and
by social activist and scholarly discourses which challenge these claims
directly. The growing consolidation of democracy in
Other scholars have challenged the motives of those who advance the
above noted stereotypes of Asian values. Edward Said long ago noted that
Western orientalism offered up its
12
conception of
A third line of reasoning would have us believe that East Asian
intellectuals did not understand Western liberalism and democracy when first
confronted with it in the early modern period. In the Chinese context this was
said to produce a perverse reinterpretation which saw democracy as merely good
government or social welfare, in line with the Chinese minben
(people as a basis) tradition. There is no doubt that authoritarian
reinterpretations did occur and that Chinese nationalism, following the May 4
Movement, did distort. But recent studies of early modern Chinese writings
witness a great deal of understanding of leading Western liberal thinkers (Svensson, 1996).
Other Asian scholars and specialist have pointed out that much of what
is done in the name of so-called authoritarian Asian values can be explained
more often than not by expediency. Frequently this expediency is accompanied by
other ideological constructs, such as Marxism, that have little to do with
Asian traditions. Francis Fukuyama argues that the only neo-Confucian
authoritarian system evident in recent East Asian experience was the government
of pre-war
Cultural Prerequisites
The second major argument, originally not
intended as a cultural relativist argument, is the claim that societies which
lack certain cultural prerequisites are not suited for democracy and human
rights. This notion arose initially from studies that sought to examine the
characteristics of civic culture were not likely to be successful at
democratization (Perry, 1994). It was as if societies had to pass a test for
democracy. This scholarship could lend further support for authoritarian Asian
values reasoning.
The problems with this reasoning are apparent. The most obvious is its
tautological character. To suggest that a society that lacks democracy could
somehow develop democratic culture is a questionable proposition. The fact of
the matter is that many societies in
Claims about Community
My third critique considers a more directly cultural relativist
argument, and one that is to some extent more credible. This is the one made on
behalf of community. While I feel this argument fails to justify the denial of
democracy and human rights it does raise concerns that I argue in the second
half must be addressed by societies hoping to better secure human rights.
There are essentially three community-based
arguments addressed here. The first is the romantization
of community. The Vietnamese village has been described as “anchored to the soil
at the dawn of History … behind it bamboo hedge, the anonymous and unseizable retreat where the national spirit is
concentrated”. The Russian mir was to save Russians
from the “abhorrent changes being wrought in the West by individualism and
industrialization”
13
suc(Popkin, 1986). Many have
questioned just how liberating the traditional village was and many escaped
when they had the chance. Few in
Another community-based claim emphasizing republican government and
civic virtue has both ancient roots and is of contemporary interest. In many
East Asian societies civic virtue is seen as the key to good government. Others
are less confident of the persistence of such virtue and seek to craft a
democracy that, in James Madison’s terms, is safe for the unvirtuous
(Putnum, 1993). The debate between Vaclav Havel, the
anti-Communist idealist who emphasizes civic virtue,
and Vaclav Havel Clause, the pragmatic post-communist
politician who is concerned with interest representation (Simon, 1996) is
likely to be rehearsed in post-communist and post-authoritarian
The debate between Western and East Asian communitarians is the most
challenging contemporary discourse about community. While Western
communitarians are apt to see community as a venue for discourse and
liberation, the neo-conservative brand of so-called communitarianism
evident in
The Role of Institutions
The fourth and final critique under this topic of culture is to raise
questions as to the path for solution. Scholars who are confronted with claims
about culture and cultural prerequisites have increasingly had to consider
precisely what avenues are available to meet increased demands for
democratization and rights, to ensure participation. This has caused an
increased attention to institutions. This new institutionalism has sought to
determine how institutions can serve the purposes of social transformation that
adhere to the democratization and human rights processes (Thelen
and Steinmo, 1992). This new institutional project is
less sanguine about merely transplanting ready-made Western institutions that
the earlier efforts of modernization theorists. In considering what
institutions can do I will now turn our attention to constitutionalism, the
topic of the remainder of this presentation.
Constitutionalism
Constitutionalism offers a venue to respond to the various claims
underlying the Asian values debate and a response to those who advance
authoritarianism. As noted in the introduction, for me constitutionalism should
include the fundamental elements of democracy, rights and the rule of law and
elements of local institutional embodiment, what I call indigenization. In the
late twentieth century the discussion of constitutionalism has become a global
conversation, a conversation that is productive of the processes of
universalizing human rights. Constitutionalism serves both as a conduit for
shared international and local human rights and political values and the
embodiment of those values. In this regard I emphasize three things: first, the
empowering role of constitutionalism, in contrast to the usual view that
emphasizes constraint; second, a more careful look at the content of the
constitutive process; and third, indigenization of constitutionalism, as an
avenue to hook it up to the local condition.
The Empowering Role of Constitutionalism
Taking up the first of these, it is
important to emphasize the positive empowering role of constitutionalism (Holmes,
1988). I worry that constitutionalists place too much emphasis on the
constraints of constitutionalism, always using language of “checking,
restraining or blocking”. This is important because under this constraint
paradigm, newly elected democratic leaders
14
may view it as part
of their mandate to override constraint to “get the job done”. This results in
a plebiscitarian, rather than a constitutional
democracy (O’Donnell, 1996). Some may characterize this result as an illiberal
democracy, as some scholars have advocated in
Extra-constitutional action should more properly be understood as not
just overriding constraint but as overriding democracy itself. Such
extra-constitutional action does not just “get the job done” but in fact
deprives the people of democratic power. Constitutionalist should vigilantly
seek to engender discourse and empowerment. In a modern complex society this is
the contemporary venue for values discourse. To better understand this claim we
must consider the constitutive process.
The Constitutive Process
It is in the constitutive process that constitutionalism’s
discourse engendering and empowering roles come to fruition. This can be
considered at two levels: the constitution-making process and constitutional
implementation. Constitution-making is where the constitutional conversion
begins. A constitutional assembly is a powerful venue for discourse about basic
political values. In recent decades the East Asian landscape has been riddled
with constitution-making exercises. In the 1980s and 1990s constitution
writing in the Philippines and Hong Kong have offered prominent
seemingly successful examples (
In describing the constitution-making
process, Jon Elster describes a venue where both
passion and interest operate (Elster, 1995). There
are both upstream and downstream constraints, as well as processes for
consensus-building and broadening bases of support. Upstream constraints
consider political settlements and may also protect members of the former
regime. For the
After a constitutional founding, successful implementation of
constitutional government depends on appreciation of the discursive
architecture in the ongoing processes of governance. More commonly appreciated
here are the institutions for checks and balances. These institutions include
institutions to control the purse-strings in regimes ranging from medieval
estates to modern parliaments, and veto and administrative control in the
modern executive. At present nearly every constitutional government in
Less appreciated is the positive discursive machinery of constitutional
judicial review, the power whereby courts review laws enacted by the elected
branches of government for conformity to the constitution. In both
15
of the region, both historically and at present,
no or little judicial constraint is the norm. Under such circumstances the
positive discourse-engendering role argued for here is out of the question.
Constitutional theorists have come to recognize, however, that
constitutional judicial review is not the sole discursive engine for crafting
political values and solutions. At moments of crisis, what Stephen Krasner calls punctuated equilibrium (Krasner,
1984), the entire people may be mobilized to civic
action. In normal times the people may be content with representation and
constitutional judicial review, while they largely focus on private affairs;
while at times of what Bruce Ackerman calls constitutional politics the level
of civic action may become extraordinary (Ackerman, 1991). Ackerman identifies
three republics in American history, before and after the civil war and in the
modern regulatory social welfare state initiated in the 1930s by the New Deal.
There is evidence of such mobilization in the recent South Korean
constitutional politics of reform and in the Japanese politics of resistance to
corruption.
Indigenization of Constitutionalism
With a commitment to the constitutional fundamentals in place, a premier
concern is that constitutionalism finds roots in the local soil. It is through
indigenization that constitutionalism responds to the above noted concerns with
values and community. Aung Sang Suu Kyi characterizes this indigenous quality as local
institutional embodiment (Aung Sang, 1995). For indigenous institutions to
work, however, the constitutional fundamentals of democracy, human rights and
the rule of law must be in place. Otherwise, the local community is left with
an implanted hegemonic discourse constructive of authoritarian power and
destructive of genuine community values discourse.
Beyond the fundamentals that preserve the discourse there is
considerable room for local variation to achieve representation, both symbolic
and real. If constitutionalism is understood to engender discourse then
constitutionalists should consider the ways in which local culture and
traditions may facilitate such discourse. Representation may be achieved
through contemporary institutions which secure autonomy or minority rights, or
through recognition of traditional ethnic or religious groups.
Legal structures may also embody these local distinctions. This may
include, for example, allowing for the application of religious or tribal laws.
In societies with long traditions of citizens petitioning leaders, a mechanism
for petitioning elected officials could be employed or, perhaps, a modern
version thereof, the ombudsman. Even a traditional monarch, who may retain
symbolic and ceremonial functions, may take on the ombudsman role in a
post-monarchical democratic society. Even when contemporary institutions are
employed, in practice they may be expected to take on indigenous
characteristics. The goal in all cases is orderly processes of discursive
engagement or empowerment.
In a recent article I contrast the constitutional paths of modern
16
inadequate representation is secured. The rule of law
is shaky at best; encouraging increased corruption as the economic reform
process goes forward. This has produced a value vacuum which the society is
hard placed to deal with. There is growing evidence of concern to open up
democratic and legal channels for representation of diverse interest. Opening
up such channels will not create automatic solutions but such moves may offer
hope for crafting orderly solutions.
Conclusion
The form of argument in this presentation
has emphasized several specific points: first, that the Asian values argument,
as a challenge to the implementation of constitutional democracy, is
exaggerated and fails to account for the richness of values discourse in the
East Asian region – local values do not provide a justification for harsh
authoritarian practices; second, that the cultural prerequisites arguments fail
because they ignore the discursive processes for value development and they are
tautological, excessively deterministic and ignore the importance of human
agency – it, therefore, makes little sense to take an entry test for
constitutional democracy; third, the difficulties of importing Western
communitarian ideas into an East Asian authoritarian environment without
adequate liberal constitutional safeguards; fourth, the positive role of
constitutionalism in constructing empowering conversations in modern democratic
development and as a venue for values discourse; fifth, the importance,
especially in a cross-cultural context, of indigenization of constitutionalism
through local institutional embodiment; and sixth, the value of extending
research focused on the positive engendering or enabling function of
constitutionalism to the developmental context in general and East Asia in
particular. I would hope this discussion attracts further cross-disciplinary
interest in this evolving global constitutional project.
References
Ackerman,
Bruce, We The People (Cambridge: The Belknap Press,
1991).
Almond, Gabriel A. and Verba, Sidney, The
Civic Culture, Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations, (Newbury
Park: Sage Publications, 1989) (first published 1963).
Aung San Suu Kyi,
“Transcending the Clash of Cultures, Freedom, Development and Human Worth”,
Journal of Democracy, Vol. 6/2, 1995, at 11.
Bickel,
Alexander M., The Least Dangerous Branch, The Supreme
Court at the Bar of Politics (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2nd Ed., 1986).
Chang, Wejen, “The Individual and the Authorities in Traditional
Chinese Legal Thought”, paper presented for the Constitutionalism and China
Workshop, Columbia University, February 24, 1995.
Chua, Beng-Huat, Communitarian Ideology and
Democracy in Singapore, (London: Routledge, 1995).
Davis,
Michael C., “Human Rights and the Founding of the Hong Kong Special
Administrative Region: A Framework for Analysis”,
Davis,
Michael, C., “The Globalization of Constitutionalism: Democracy, Rights and
Relativism”, Harvard Human Rights Journal, Vol. 11, Winter,
1998.
David,
Michael, C., “The Price of Rights: Constitutationalism
and East Asian Economic Development”, Human Rights Quarterly, Vol. 20, Winter 1998.
Elster, Jon, “Forces and
Mechanisms in the Constitution-Making Process”, Duke Law Journal, Vol. 45,
1995, at 364.
Ford,
Christopher A., “The Indigenization of Constitutionalism in the Japanese
Experience”, Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law, Vol. 28, 1996,
at 3.
17
Holmes,
Stephen, “Precommitment and the Paradox of
Democracy”, in Elster, Jon and Slagstad,
Rune, eds., Constitutionalism and Democracy (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1988), at 195-240.
Huntington,
Samuel P., “Democracy’s Third Wave”, in Diamond, Larry, Platner,
Marc F., eds., The Global Resurgence of Democracy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 1993) at 3.
Krasner, Stephen D., “Approaches to the State, Alternative
Conceptions and Historical Dynamics”, Comparative Politics, Vol. 26/2, 1984, at
223-245.
O’Donnell,
Guillermo, “Illusions About Condolidation”,
Journal of Democracy, Vol. 7/2, 1996, at 34-51.
Perry,
Popkin, Samuel, “The Political Economy of Peasant Society”, in Elster, Jon, Rational Choice, (Oxford: Blackwell, 1986) at
197.
Putnam,
Robert D., Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern
Said, Edward, Orientalism (New York: Vintage
Books, 1979).
Smolar, Aleksander, “From Opposition to Atomization”, Journal of
Democracy, Vol. 7/1, 1996 at 24.
Svenson,
Thelen,
Kathleen and Steinmo, Sven, “Historical
Institutionalism in Comparative Politics”, in Steinmo,
Sven; Thelen, Kathleen; Longstreth,
Frank, Structuring Politics, Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Analysis
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992) at 1.
REGIONAL
NEWS
Ecumenical Asia-Pacific Student and Youth Network (EASY Net)
The setting up of EASY Net, which consists of five ecumenical student
and youth groups in Asia-Pacific (CCA-Youth, Asia Alliance of YMCAs, WSCF A-P,
IMCS-AP, IYCS Asia), is the fruit of an intentional consolidation of the Asia
Student and Youth Gathering (1997 – 2000).
Eight representatives from the five organizations strongly felt the need
to build a network that could continuously support and generate energy for
students and youth at grassroots level to work together for common
concerns. In a planning meeting which
took place on 18-21 January 2001 in Hong Kong, the group decided to have
“national coordinators” and a loose structure called the Ecumenical Team, which
will be instrumental in organizing various grassroots-level ecumenical
activities.
The primary function of EASY Net is to support and facilitate the
promotion of “grassroots ecumenism” among the five organizations’
constituencies. To better understand our needs and to support the Ecumenical
Team, EASY Net will organize a National Coordinators Meeting in early
2002. EASY Net will represent these five
organizations in networking with other groups in the region. For example, the
EASY Net is exploring the possibility of a joint project, such as a youth camp,
with other regional NGOs and the East Timor Student Organization in
18
The 15th Regional Committee Meeting
The 15th RCM will be held on 10-15 July 2001 in
1. The Composition of Regional Committee Meeting
- Accredited representatives of all member
movements
- Regional representatives of Executive
Committee and Chairperson of WSCF-AP
- Regional staff who shall be ex-officio non
voting members
2. The Functions of the Regional Committee Meeting
- Review and assess the situation of the member
movements of the region
- Consider the ideas, problems and aspirations
of the member movements of the region
- Determine and review objectives, policies and
priorities for the region
- Devise the ongoing program of the region
- Review the finance of the region
- Elect members of Regional Standing Committee
and Regional Women’s Committee
3. The Main Agendas of Regional Committee Meeting
a. Program Thrust of 2001-2002
b.
c. Accounts of 1999 and 2000
d. Budget of 2001 and 2002
e. Elections
f. Discussion on the WSCFGeneral Assembly in
19
School for Ecumenical Leadership Formation 2001
15 July to 19 August,
1.
Background:
For a long time, The SCMs and church youth have contributed to
ecumenical movement through producing future leaders. Nowadays, this tradition
has been very weak due to several reasons. However, the SCM recognizes that
without producing young leaderships the whole ecumenical movement would have a
serious leadership crisis in the near future.
One of the reasons of poor ecumenical leadership is that ecumenical
student and youth organizations have been unable to provide proper venues for
young people to train and improve themselves as qualified ecumenical
leaders. The previous leadership
programs have been so partial in terms of agendas, and in result they could not
nurture young leaders with comprehensive understanding on the crucial
ecumenical agendas.
The SELF program is a joint project with the Christian Conference of
Asia (CCA) Youth desk inviting 40 youth and student leaders from the SCM and
the CCA. This program hopes to
encourage, develop, support and strengthen systematic and purposeful leadership
development for the local, national and regional ecumenical movement. In order to achieve these goals, there
should be more attention on planning of modules and transmitting the skills and
experiences by running modules that are relevant to the context and network of
youth and student groups. Therefore,
there will be a process of leading to the setting of modules, drawing resources
from partners and also, a conducive mechanism to
network with local endeavors. Also the
duration of this training program at the regional level is much more extended
than previous practices. This comes from
evaluations that the previous programs could not provide comprehensive and
deeper understanding on the ecumenical agendas mainly because of time
limitation.
2.
Objectives:
• Sharpen awareness and analysis
of Asian society and challenge to the churches through sharing of experiences,
exposure, studies and reflections
• Study the biblical-theological
perspectives on ecumenism and on issues and ideologies related to
• Trace the history of
ecumenical movement at the national, Asian and global levels, identifying
convergence, challenges and possibilities
• Search alternative approach to
communicate and advocate ecumenical witness among students and youth in the
concrete life of the peoples
19
3.
An Outline of the
Training Module
Module 1: Orientation
Aims:
To be able to introduce participants
themselves and have a sense of being part of the group. Understanding the
background and the organizers and to start building community
•
Introduction of participants
•
Introduction of WSCF-AP and CCA
•
Community Building
Module 2: Defining our Times
Aims:
To have more critical understanding about the reality of Asian plurality
and the dynamic and complexity of such context
•
Understanding host country and Exposure
•
Personal history as Social history
•
Analysis of socio-political and economic setting of
Module 3: Reading the Signs of the Times
Aims:
To clarify current theological positions
dealing with the context of Asia. The participants will have acquired a
strong theoretical as well as theological base. It also aims to challenge
participants to do theology in their context
•
Politics, Ecology, Human rights, Feminism, Inter-faith dialogue and actions
•
Globalization and economic justice
Module 4: The Ecumenical Movement
Aims:
To understand and challenge the prevalent
practices and ideology in the ecumenical movement in Asia and worldwide as
well. Participants are also expected to be aware of the different trends of
movement in
• An overview of
ecumenical movement: past and present
• Problematizing the understanding and perspectives of
ecumenical movement
•
Understanding and commenting on new social movements, the trend
of civil movements and spiritual movements
Module 5: Communicating the Ecumenical Vision to the
Youth
Aims:
To set guiding principles for promoting ecumenical vision to the students
and youth and experiment the different forms of building and strengthening this
communication in order to “act locally”
•
Learning to express and communicate ecumenism by curriculum writing, liturgy,
symbols, arts and images
Module 6: Reflexive
Learning
Aims:
To wrap up this extended training program by reflections on what the
participants have learned and to suggest ways to move forward in challenging
the ecumenical movement, be it local, regional and global
•
Articles writing on certain issues, topics or possible actions and work plans
21
Thanks Iris Li and Necta Montes
By the end of March 2001 Ms. Iris Li is leaving the Regional office in
order to have another career. She has
been with the WSCF AP office for nearly 12 years. She joined as a young staff for WSCF in 1989
and worked with four regional secretaries, Tingjin, Wai Ching, Daniel and Shin. Iris is a hardworking, dedicated and
committed person. It was truly a
blessing and a pleasure to have her as our support staff for such a long period
of time.
One of the most significant contributions she made in her long years of
service to the Federation (other than her usual tasks) was her strength in
providing continuity to the changing leaderships in the regional office. She linked
the past and the present, offering her skills and advice on matters that were
handled by previous Regional Secretaries.
Thank you Iris, from the bottom of our
hearts, to your contribution, dedication and commitment to the life and work of
the Federation. The WSCF AP will forever be grateful for your time and talent shared
with all of us. God Blessings be with you always!
By the end of April, Ms. Necta Montes’ contract as the Regional Women’s
Coordinator will also end. She has been
with the regional office for more than 5 years since 1996, and will be moving
on to further her studies.
Throughout these years in WSCF-AP, Necta has never failed to meet up
with all the demands expected in a Women’s Coordinator. As a Women’s
Coordinator, she was conscientious in her work and her perspectives on women’s
issues were always filled with insight, helping all participants to the
Regional Women’s Programs to gain fuller understanding of women’s issues, needs
and obstacles. As a person, Necta is
always full of patience and ever willing to listen attentively to students’
queries and needs, offering useful advice when needed or just a warm comforting
smile.
The work and energy of Necta has indeed helped built the strength and
knowledge on women’s issues in the SCMs, and this is very invaluable for WSCF
AP. We will miss Necta and we wish her
all the best in her future endeavors.
Welcome Wong Yock Leng!!
Yock Leng, a senior
friend and National Coordinator of SCM Singapore was the unanimous choice of the
Search Committee as the new women’s coordinator succeeding Necta Montes. She
majored in Social Work and Political Science at the National University of
Singapore as a student where she first got into contact with SCM Singapore.
Since 1998, she has been the lone staff worker in SCM Singapore and
within these years, she has been able to participate in the WSCF RCM, Women’s
Program, and helped co-host the WSCF SET Program last year. Her previous
involvement with several Non Government Organizations includes Committee for
Asian Women, ZiTeng, and the
21
Bangladesh
Faridpur Unit:
Faridpur Unit of
Bangladesh SCM arranged a two-day seminar at
Pabna Unit:
Pabna unit is one of the affiliated units of
Bangladesh SCM. It was affiliated in 1992 and the movement’s activities were
powerful at the beginning. After 1996 it became weak as most local leaders
left. However since last year, the movement has regained its strength as its
committee members have started re-communication with the Senior Friends of Pabna unit. Now, this unit is as strong as other units of
Bangladesh SCM. On 26th January they arranged an Orientation program which was
held at the YWCA school with more than 30 students and senior friends attending
the seminar.
Office Inaugural Ceremony:
Bangladesh SCM has taken an office at 31, Senpara
Parbata, Mirpur-10, Dhaka-1216,
Staff Recruitment:
In January 2001 Bangladesh SCM recruited a staff for the office. He has
been working as the Co-ordinator of Bangladesh SCM. His
name is Prince Sanjay Saha. Prince Sanjay has earned
his BA(hons) last year. He
was closely involved with SCM since 1995 and in the year 2000 he was the
Chairperson of Jessore unit. He is involved also in
some cultural and literary groups of his locality.
Central Women’s Conference 2001:
The “Central Women’s Conference 2001"
has been arranged by Bangladesh SCM at “Nazarath
Centre” (A holy place of Church of Bangladesh) on 4th - 6th March 2001. Sixteendelegates from different units participated in the program.
The theme was “Women’s Empowerment - Role of students and youth”. Sister Euginia was
the keynote speaker of the conference. Mrs. Bertha Gity
Baroi, Deputy Director of CORR-The Jute Works (a
Caritas project) also discussed on “Women’s Empowerment - Economic & Social
perspective”. A women
Sub-committee has been formed at this conference, as stated below:
Coordinator - Ms. Lily Philomena Gomes
(from
Member - Ms. Ayanee Ratna
Saha
(from
Jessore SCM)
Member - Ms. Liza Baroi
(from Pabna SCM)
Member - Ms. Tapasi Mondal
(from
Kustia SCM)
Member - Ms. Monica Biswas
(from
Member - Ms. Lovely Roy
(from
Member - Ms. Eva Baroi
(from
Leadership Workshop:
Bangladesh SCM arranged a Leadership Workshop at the same venue of the
Women’s Conference from 6th to 9th March 2001. Seven members from each unit (8
units) participated
in the workshop. The theme of the workshop was
“New Millennium: Challenges of new leadership”.
22
India
It was one the worst hit earthquake which devastated large area of
People everywhere have responded to the disaster with deep sense of
humanity. Food and relief was reaching not just the towns but the villages as
well. A number of not less than 335 NGOs
and other humanitarian agencies are speeding up the reconstruction work. According to the government, the cost of
rebuilding each village is three crores.
The major towns such as Bhuj, Anjar, Bhachau, Gandhidam have the most attention
from the media and newsmakers. Many
inner and remote villages are neglected and ignored. Much attention has to be given in order to
help people to overcome the psychiatric illness and symptoms of trauma.
India SCM made urgent visitation to the affected areas and is planning
to send student volunteers for relief work.
The plan is to get involved in the reconstruction of a whole village,
which includes houses, sanitation, health and education. Very soon the India SCM will be networking
with an organization which shares similar concerns in doing the reconstruction
works. It can be a long-term
rehabilitation process where 15-20 students with one staff in one team stay
there for one month and the next batch will continue.
The India SCM requests all friends abroad to extend their support and
solidarity.
Japan
“Miriam”(women’s group of
The 10th Japan-Korea Student YMCA Exchange Program was held on 4-7
January 2001 with the theme “People and trashes flowing in the society-
environmental challenge.” This is a
regular program organized by the Korean and Japanese students so as to build a
cooperative relationship and commit themselves to work
on the ecological issues. Almost 30
participants went to Teshima where industrial wastes
have been dumped for 25 years illegally. The participants observed the tragic
reality of environment and listened to the suffering stories with the residents
of Teshima.
The 3rd Philippine Study Tour was organized on 4-20 March 2001 with six
SCM participants. This study tour was an
opportunity for
24
Myanmar
Visit of
On 4 -12 January 2001, nine students from Sweden SCM visited Myanmar
SCM. The objective of the visit was to
extend the mutual relationship and solidarity between
Frontier
A group of 20 final year students of various universities from all over
Philippines
More than thirty SCMers from 11 different regions gathered in ecumenical
worship, workshops, discussions, meaningful reflections and fun-filled
community building activities during the National Council Meeting of SCM
Philippines last January 26-29 in the cool-weather and fabulous city of Baguio.
The Council’s agenda included assessment of SCMP’s
work from June to December 2000, workshop on SCMP chapter building, planning
for SCMP activities from January to May 2001 and preparations for the 18th
Biennial National Assembly set on 17-22 April in
SCMers were greatly inspired by the discussion and reflection headed by
an SCMP Senior Friend on Christian Spirituality, Social Responsibility,
Theology of Struggle and the role of SCMP in the ecumenical movement and the
broader people’s movement.
Under the new President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, SCMers were also
challenged to fight for justice and meaningful change after the successful
ouster of the corrupt, immoral and graft-ridden presidency of Joseph Estrada
through the January 16-20 People Power II. In this meeting an inspiration was
resolved for SCMP to join the Youth Movement for Justice and Meaningful Change
in advancing the youth and people’s agenda. The three-day Council meeting was
concluded through a closing ecumenical worship and solidarity night.
Taiwan
On 29 January 2001 the Annual Bible and Theology Conference of the
Campus Ministry in the SCM was held in Puli. The
original projection of participants was set at 150. But the last enrollment came as a surprise
with over 250 students signing up for the Conference. Actually the number could
be higher, but the organizers had to turn down many students due to the
limitations of the campground facilities. The event was a biblical
earthquake. The students eagerly studied the Bible and heard the Word of
God. From 29th January to 3rd February
the 38th Annual Bible and Theology Conference drew students from all parts of
Every evening theological lectures that were
given are the Introduction to Romans; the Power of the Gospels; Justification
by Faith; Calvinist Thought of Election and Roman Catholic
25
Thought of Election; Faith and Politics. After the lectures,
workshops were offered on Christian Feminism; Introduction to the Disabled
Person’s Work of the Churches; the Student Christian Movement; Minority Ethnic
Groups’ Situation in
Choon
S. Lim, a PC (USA) missionary to
“I was one of the counselors for the small group. The
conference had a great impact on me. It
was very well organized and coordinated conference. The executive body
(Secretary of the campus ministry and counselors) and the student committee all
worked together. Each day the executive body had a meeting to discuss daily
problems and then related it to the student committee and to the whole group.
The student committee worked very hard especially. They were on the front line
and did almost all the business, but the executive body always helped and
suggested them if they needed and got into difficult situations. I gave them
A+.
The students
showed zeal for learning the Word of God. It was a long six-day conference.
Furthermore, there were no long break times except for the two-hour lunch time
each day. There was also no recreation time. But I saw no one skipped the small
Bible study group. Even though a lot of students had a cold and could not sleep
well because of it, they still came to the group to read and studied the Bible
and participated actively in sharing their beliefs with others.”
WSCF-AP Quarterly
April 17-22 Biennial
National Assembly of Philippine SCM
May 21-22
Staff Meeting of the WSCF
May
22-23 Round
Table Meeting of the WSCF and Patners
June 4-9 Annual Conference of Aotearoa/NZ SCM
June 5-7 CCA-WSCF
Joint Consultation
June 14-15 CCA-WSCF Joint Consultation
July
10-15 Regional
Comm. Meeting of the WSCF-AP
Chiangmai,
Thaland
July 15 to School for Ecumenical Leadership
Formation
August
19 Chiangmai, Thaland