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Yogyakarta

During our first days of plunge-in, our group stayed at a centre for studies in Salam run by the Catholic church. In residence are the director of the centre who also organizes some courses, and the local parish priest.

Near Salam is an active volcano, which has a history of erupting every ten years (due again in 1979 / 80). The Volcano, for the people of Salam, is in one way a curse, in that their village may be destroyed. In another way, it is a blessing as they can use the volcanic boulders to make floor tiles and this gives them higher income than a local farmer receives. Before the next eruption, the government has told the people that they are to be transmigrated to Sumatra. Many do not want to go and believe in the concept of nasip or fate, that if they are destroyed, then it is God's will.

We visited a family in Salam and were able to talk with the father who was a teacher and farmer. He had five children and owned no land. He told us that the general problems of the village are

the threat of the volcano, teenagers leaving home, poverty and lack of progress. But the education of the children sends them away from the villages as they go to the towns and cities to find jobs. He still wanted to see his children well educated yet he could see this was bad for the community.

We visited next a Catholic Minor Seminary in Metuyudan. The Seminary has 276 boys, 8 priests and 15 lay staff. It costs the parents Rp.8000 a month to send their children to this school and only 20% of them will go to the major seminary in Jogyakarta to train as priests.

However, the education they receive there is a stepping-stone to acceptance in a university or a reasonable job in the city. We talked with some of the boys who were of average age of nineteen. Education for them is a passport to a good job. They would not get leadership jobs without a diploma or a degree. They understood leadership as serving the people yet they felt helpless in doing anything to suppress the oppression of the poor people of Indonesia. They were interested in the politics of Indonesia but they knew little about it because of lack of media information. We were told that many of these students would be the future bureaucrats and businessmen.

The next few days we visited a Community Development Program, which covers twenty low income per capita villages, it involves most of the mothers, 200 trainees or nutrition motivators and 5000 malnourished children. This is a community-based program including:

1) A training program for nutrition motivators-professional health workers, e.g. nurses, midwives, family planners as well as voluntary workers, etc. They are given upgrading and teaching in basic concepts of nutrition and related subjects.

2) Public nutrition motivation in mass nutrition education especially of parents. This involves non-formal education e.g. concepts of nutrition, breast feeding, practical courses, etc.

3) Rehabilitation of an estimated 5000 malnourished children in the area. This is achieved by a food supplement program called "the under five nutrition garden" where the children receive a nutritious meal twice a week until they reach normal standard. The mothers and children come together for these supplements so this gives the nutrition motivators an opportunity to educate the mothers.

We also visited Gulurejo in the Projo district. There

they grow rice, coconut and bananas. Besides agriculture, some of the people are employed in copper and silver work and batik making. The village has recently been involved in a "food for work" project and is soon to start on a coconut tree-planting project. Because this is such a poverty-stricken area, a USA funding agency decided to give food to the people on condition that they work for it. The people chose to build roads.

The reforestation of coconut trees is a future project for this area. At the moment, the people are making coconut sugar from the sap of the trees. This involves cutting the tree before the fruit is produced. It takes 25 trees to make 1 kg of coconut sugar per day, which gives an income of Rp. 175. If they had waited for the coconut fruit they would receive an income of Rp. 2000 per day; however, because they are so poor they need immediate income.

One night in Yogya, we visited the people under the bridge. These people have left the villages because they had no land and have formed a community in the last three to five years. There are about 70 families. Many of these are thieves, prostitutes, or garbage scavengers. About six months ago, the people were asked by the Indonesian SCM in Yogya what the SCM could do to help them. They asked for spiritual guidance. Since then, most of them have become Christians and services and Sunday schools are held every week. The GMKI (SCM) is intending to help and encourage them to find jobs and to set up cooperatives so that the community can survive.

Some Problems We Observed

A free listing of problems we saw would include corruption, bribery, nepotism, subsistence living leading to health and nutrition problems, unequal distribution of land and wealth, exploitation of cheap labor, unemployment leading to crime and prostitution, illiteracy, lack of free information, individualism as against traditional community values, elitism of students, etc.

We also observed structural problems such as traditions, which encourage passivity and fatalism, economic dependency of villages on the city, and the whole political and economic structure.

We have several questions like: are funding agencies achievement-oriented? Are projects set up on a part-

nership basis or imperialist-criteria for funding? Are positive cultural values safeguarded or are they being replaced? How does modern technology affect the villages? Is Pancasila a philosophy or an ideology? What is the role of multinational corporations in the development of the country?

Reflection

Although our experience and exposure is limited, we have seen enough to lead us to believe that the current Indonesian concept of development bears very little difference to the mode of social development found throughout the capitalist world. In Indonesia, we have seen this reflected in attempts to promote social, cultural and community development without prior analysis and understanding of the dominant economic and political forces at work in society and the structures, which institutionalize those forces. Such an analysis reveals that economic and political power in Indonesia is exercised by a ruling class whose interests lie in sharp conflict with the welfare of the majority of the people.

Indonesia is a class-ridden society sustained by a very complex network of ideological controls over people's minds, principally through the media, the education system and the system of government appointees to positions of community leadership. In Indonesia this control is perhaps more visibly pervasive than it is in many other capitalist states.

Given this situation, the deeply held traditional Indonesian concept of consensus as a means of decision-making becomes an enormously serious problem. The notion of consensus forms the basis of the Pancasila – the five principles upon which Indonesia is based. The Pancasila is used to hold together the people despite differences of language, race and culture. But while this in itself may be admirable, in reality the Pancasila has become an instrument for ideological control since it creates an illusory unity between social classes, which is used to justify the grotesquely unjust distribution of wealth. For example, we interviewed one village chief who told us at great length of his profound respect and allegiance to the Pancasila, and to the unity of the Indonesian people which cuts across barriers of class. He then went on to tell us that the average family earns 6000 rupias per month and own less than 0.5 ha. of land, while he, himself, receives a government pension of 64,000 rupian per month and owned 3.6 ha. of land.

Accordingly, the development programs we interviewed are similarly based upon the notion that Indonesian society is a harmonious whole, and the social problems are merely the unfortunate legacy of years of backwardness. It appeared to us that there was a serious ignoring of the reality that where there are the oppressed, there is also is an oppressor, where there are the exploited, there is also an exploiter.

In addition, from our end of seeing things, we think that Pancasila presents a big obstacle to Christians who would take the Gospel seriously. The first principle of Pancasila calls for other religious traditions. But if Christians in Indonesia wish to proclaim the Gospel of liberation, they must challenge themselves and others to radically question their deeply held religious beliefs in order to determine whether those beliefs are truly liberating or whether those beliefs serve to hinder the people's capacity to change their circumstances for the better. However, we encountered situations where, for example, Christians were very reluctant to even engage in discussion with Moslems over religious and social questions on the grounds, that this would contravene the established practice of non-interference with the religion of another.

Semarang

The Rural Encounter

Ringin Kidul is the name of the village we visited which is about 37 kilometers northwest of the city of Semarang. It has a population of about 1,166 individuals coming from about 215 registered families. The village has a land area of 158.5 ha. And approximately 5 to 6 ha. are used to house the village hall, educational buildings and playgrounds.

Eleven families own pieces of land between 2.25 to 0.5 ha. in size; 13 own 1.01 to 2 ha.; 2 families own 2.1 to 3 ha. and 2 families own lands that vary from 3.1-5 has. in size. This means that there are 32 families (equivalent to 15% of the total family population) which own land. The rest, 198 families, representing 85 % of the total family population, do now own any land at all. This non-land group

is the source of the labor force in the village.

Based on the above data, we can say that 1% of the total family population owns the biggest portion of land;3% own the second biggest area; 6% own moderately big portion, 5% own a negligible portion and 85% own no land at all. What this means is that wealth (as land is the main source of wealth) is very much concentrated in the hands of the very few. So, the majority of the people in the village suffer economically; creating a deep cleavage between those who have and those who do not have.

The above economic structure makes it possible for us to understand the social structure of Ringin Kidul. The social structure based on the economic foundation would indicate that 1% belongs to the upper class; 3% to the upper middle class; 6% to the lower middle class; 5% to a stratum, which is between the middle and the lowest class; and finally, 85% belong to the masses, who are not only landless, but powerless.

A thorough consideration of both the economic and social structures of the village gives us an insight into the nature of the political system that operates in various levels of the community. We would think that this village's political structure could perhaps be a prototype or micro-picture of the political reality at work in the country. The diagram below pictures the political ideology in operation in the village.

Explanation of terms:

IA – Ideological apparatus (mass media and government representative)

PA – Political apparatus (military)

AG – Agent

DC – Dominant class – ruling class

AC – Auxilliary class middle class (nice people around)

OC – Oppressed class – masses

OI – Organic intellectual

It is obvious from the diagram that the political ideology is carried out in the village in the dynamic interplay between the economic and social structures prevailing. Take note that the diagram speaks of a significant fact – that whoever controls the economy of the village becomes the ruling class – which in the final analysis manipulates the whole political structure to serve its interests.

We had some time to look into the educational structure of the village. We think the structure can be exemplified in terms of the classroom situation. In the classroom, the teacher assumes full authority. The teacher is regarded as the only source of what is to be known and what is to be learned. The teacher does the talking most of the time and the pupils become the listeners and spectators. Likewise, the curriculum followed in the school does not have any bearing with the real needs for the people in the village. Because of this, the students learn things, which are not relevant to their particular needs and conditions. They then become detached to their own particular situations.

Education in the village is free from the first six years and even up to the first two years in the secondary school. Nonetheless, there are those who cannot really go on to pursue their education. Only about 20% of the graduates from secondary school can afford to proceed to the university. 30% of elementary graduates proceed to the secondary school. The cause of children and youth inability to continue schooling boils down to the economic condition of the majority of the people. It is clear that only those who have the economic means can pursue higher education. What kind of education the people who go to the university or higher than secondary school get is another problem.

But the education instilled in the village children would, we surmise, help in domesticating the people and is an instrument in creating a submissive consciousness among the people.

SOLO

Group One

Our plunge-in in different areas in Solo centered on rejects sponsored by YAKKUM (Yayasan Kristen Untuk kesehatan Umum), a health service and a Christian foundation of Public Health, and also some kind of a social pastoral institution. It is a combined operation of the Synod of the Indonesian Christian Church in Central Java and Synod Javanese Christian Church. Its first goal was a hospital, which conducts only curative and preventive measures. But it has changed its goals according to the needs of the people, so that this – has led to a community-based health program. The YAKKUM program helps the people develop by way of using their own resources and has priorities in rural places where harvesting is done only once a year due to lack of water and irrigation system. It has 14 full branches and 10 preparatory branches in the provinces of Central Java, Yogyakarta. It has one pharmaceutical factory in Solo which supplies medicine to all YAKKUM branches all over Central Java.

Rural Communities: Selokaton Solo

In Selokaton Solo, we visited the local church, two small villages where we were informed on the activities if YAKKUM. We also talked with one village chief and a policeman on the economic and social problems of the village people.

While the East and West of Solo are fertile and have plenty of water, the North and South of Solo suffer from lack of water and barrenness of the soil. In Selokaton Solo, insufficient water is the major agricultural problem and desperate efforts are being made to fertilize the soil by digging in garbage brought by trucks from Solo.

In the village of Gendikan, the average family income is 200 Rp a day, which means that the people are extremely poor. Rice is grown twice a year with a yield of only 1.2 - 1.5 tons a hectare. Beans and vegetables are also grown; few cattle provide milk plus providing labor tools on the farms.

Because of the poor economic condition of the people, YAKKUM established some projects in 1974, which assisted in improving the welfare of women, the nutritional level of the people, and the overall hygiene of the village. It has also helped in build-

ing a school, a road and a bridge.

Women are being taught how to sew; 70% of the children now have six years of free education; fanners can get loans from the government at 1% interest a month to buy fertilizer and seeds, and to dig their own fishponds. 60% of the fanners who get loans are able to pay back within the allotted time, but the rest (.40%) are in debt. Because of this indebtedness and the general low income of the family, most farmers try to get seasonal labor in urban areas. Generally farmers still face the problem of increased water supply- most of them do not have the capital to drill the necessary 100 feet through the calcium rock or bring water from the Solo river, four kilometers from their place. As in many parts of Indonesia, farmers are solely reliant on the rain for watering their crops.

As earlier mentioned, the Church in this region has showed concern for this village. This may be due to the fact, that the population is 95% Christian. How this came about was narrated to us by our interviewees. After 1965, the government required everyone in Indonesia to choose a religion. In Selokaton Solo, there was mass baptism arranged by the local Christian church. Probably due to the encouragement of the village chief and the local policeman, many village people were turned into at least statistical Christians. It was difficult to know exactly whether the people in this village became Christians due to the patron/client relations existing in a good part of Indonesian society or it was a product of real belief.

Purwodadi

Purwodadi is situated about 60 kms. from Solo, at the mountain-side, secluded from city life. The people live in very backward conditions of life, isolated from the communications, the amenities and facilities available in urban areas.

The people of the area had a historical background of having been under strong influence of the communist movement in Indonesia before 1965. After 1972, the communist influence had almost vanished. We were not able to inquire into the conditions, which made the village people espouse communism.

YAKKUM opened up a centre here and provided it with the services of a doctor, two nurses and paramedic-

cal staff. YAKKUM has also provided the services of an instructor on the community welfare program. He lives in Solo and comes to the centre twice a week and holds classes there. We observed that there were only women in his class. And that he used the old type of lecture-style in teaching. We did not observe any of the students asking any questions or discussing with him. But the instructor assured us that the people discuss with him problems and issues.

The instructor told us that the primary needs of the people are basic: food, clothing and shelter. Health is secondary.

Tamanan Kalasan

This village is about 50 kms. from Solo and really belongs to Yogyakarta. The Yogyakarta branch of YAKKUM operates a family planning clinic and a community centre in this village.

In our discussion with the YAKKUM worker, we learned that the basic problems of the area are two-fold: the dense population-827 inhabitants per square kilometer - it being the second most densely populated area in Indonesia, after Jakarta; and the limited arable land. 50% of the land is mountainous, not fit for plantation and of the other 50%, only 11% can be planted with rice. The long dry seasons and the pests that destroy the padi, add more difficulties. Then there are the problems of malnutrition and the unemployment and under-employment of people. There are also a good number of dropouts who are attracted to the city.

YAKKUM's community project started in 1975 with the introduction of family planning and health and nutrition education. It also introduced the knowledge of rearing rabbits, chickens and fishes. For the drop-outs, vocational training is provided. The idea of promoting opportunities to increase employment and the per capita income is being considered. A youth program on leadership and interest groups is organized to help promote a sense of belonging and identity among the young people in the village.

These programs however do not solve the basic problems of the area. Thus, a plan of transmigration to South Sumatra is being considered. But YAKKUM had a bitter experience in transmigration of people in 1972 when it failed to move the people to Sulawesi due mainly to the unwillingness of the village lead-

ers who were afraid that they might lose their status in the new place. Also there is the factor of a belief among the people that “whether there is food or not does not matter; the important thing is that we should live together”.

Reflection

We are very aware that our plunge-in experience is limited as much of the information we gathered are the result of our interviews of YAKKUM workers, government officials. Based on such limited data, we would venture our collective reflection.

It seems to us that many people both in urban Solo and rural areas surrounding the city live at a subsistence level or even below. For many of the farmers, life is one long struggle, although our contacts did not emphasize this point. In fact it appeared that there was not much freedom of expression among the people we met. There seemed to be no expression of struggle; the general spirit would adhere to the Javanese saying "one should not go against the flow of the water". We did not come across any organization among the farmers that would protect the interests of the farmers and their families, unlike in some Asian countries. Likewise, in the city, there does not seem to be any trade unions that are working for the genuine interests of the workers.

While it is said that education in Indonesia is free only 40% of the school-age population are able to attend elementary schools, and the percentage gets smaller as one goes up the ladder. Many of the children do not go to school as they are a needed force in contributing to the family income. The universities seem to train people only for elitist and highly paid positions in society.

We have more questions now than when we started our plunge-in such as why are the majority of the people of Indonesia poor while Indonesia has many rich resources and such a vast potential for economic development? We feel that our little understanding of the culture, particularly the Javanese culture, has been an impediment to our investigation. But we are grateful for the opportunity of visiting the various urban and rural areas and to the help extended to us by our friends at YAKKUM.

Group Two

Our plunge-in was arranged by the Solo YIS office, non-governmental welfare organization, which is mainly involved in community development programs. Our main difficulty in our experiences was language – since no one among us knew how to speak Indonesian and almost nobody spoke English. Fortunately, we were able to manage with the help of some foreigners who had stayed in the villages for sometime.

Karangkober

The villagers in Karangkober have organized themselves into community groups to run their own development programs. Each RT (the smallest local government unit consisting of 2-40 families) has organized its own health system. Each family in the RT pays 50 Rp. a month although this varies from area to area. With this fund, they buy simple drugs to treat minor illnesses, administered by a volunteer health cadre. Major cases are brought to the local government clinic, also subsidized by the RT. The village people also run nutrition education programs to improve the health standards.

In a nearby village, Gumelar, the people decided that their priority is housing. So each family in the village contributes a certain amount of money each month. Every month there is a lottery drawn to choose the family for whom the house will be built.

In each case, YIS provides training on how to run the scheme. We were told that only a small capital is needed to make the projects operational.

Semarang

Two slums areas were visited. The people here, mostly laborers and drawn from all over central Java, are very poor. The YIS program here is not as successful as it is in the other areas visited. The reason given was that there was not a strong feeling or community among the people. The program on health education and welfare had to stop momentarily because there was difficulty in collecting the dues.

A confusing contradiction observed in the area was the presence of the “luxury goods” such as television and motorbikes. It seemed that people would spend more on

these luxury goods than the basic things such as food, clothing and better housing. An explanation of why this is so was never given.

Megalang

Megalang is a semi-urban area, 100 kms away from Solo. Although we visited two nearby villages, the highlight of our plunge-in was Pasantrean in Pabelan.

A Pasantrean may be simply described as an Islamic boarding school. We were informed that in Java alone there are nearly 17,000 Pasantrean educational institutions with 5 million students. The Pabelan Pasantrean, as most other Pasantreans in Java, is situated in a rural atmosphere. There are 900 students, 250 of whom are girls. Out of the 42 teachers, 6 are women. This Pasantrean was re-started in 1960.

Students come here at the age of 13 and stay here for 6 years to complete the equivalence of high school education. The education they receive however is not recognized by the government. They say the aim of education in a Pasantrean is a preparation for moral and religious leaders. It is expected that the students will go back to their respective communities to become informal, and in some case, formal leaders of the people. They lead a community life with a degree of "we" feeling. They learn not only in the classroom but also in the paddy fields. In addition to the religious studies and other subjects like Mathematics, Arabic, English, Sociology, etc. the student also learns agriculture, horticulture, carpentry, handicrafts, etc.

The teacher informed us that the teachers are not only teachers, they are also students. They said that they learn from their students, the villagers and even from guests like us. This kind of education reminded us of Ivan Illich's "de-schooling" and also Gandhi's ideas on basic education.

The day we spent in the Pasantrean was really the best day during our plunge-in period. The elite – based Christian educational institutions in Asia certainly have a lot to learn from this type of rural-based education.

Group Three

As orientation to the problems and needs of Solo, we were introduced to the work of the Social Welf-

are Guidance Foundation (SWGF). This organization, under the Council of Churches, was involved in grass roots action, promoting productive and development – oriented activities among the people. The group consisted of about 15 workers, each involved in a specific area and project. For instance, there was the industrial coordinator who worked with the industrial workers by helping them organize themselves into a cohesive group. There was the community nurse who went as far as 30-50 kms. to teach Javanese women hygiene, baby care, nutrition and home economics. There was also a poultry farmer who acted as a go-between or contact person between the SWGF and the kampongs or villages.

The orientation leader explained that their aim was to organize people in action and development-oriented programs and also provide orientation regarding these programs to churches by means of seminars. Very often, the Church tends to be isolated from the people, and we thought that it was a good job the SWGF was doing in providing conscientization to the churches regarding the problems of the common masses

Their main areas of activity were outlined as:

1) Theological reflection

2) Human development

3) People's education

4) Documentation and information

5) Community organization

6) Ecumenical network

During our plunge-in, we had meetings with local leaders in the Semanggi area. These leaders were elected by the people and they organize educational and cultural activities and also act as spokesmen to the community in general. They are recognized by the government and many of them are retired school teachers, army men, officers in the government, etc. Their help and cooperation is deemed to be indispensable.

Much work is done among industrial workers by means of contact persons. The centre director has consistently stressed the idea of working, thinking and developing with the people. They never try to do anything for the people, except to encourage them to organize and help themselves. The SWGF helps by instructing the workers on their rights and look into methods on how to fight for their rights. At present, the organization is assisting workers in the “Terpedo” textile factory to fight against the injustice meted out to them by the managers of the

company. Among the problems faced by the workers are:

1) low wages, approximately 25 US cents for 9 hours of work plus US 12 cents as an incentive for attendance;

2) unfulfilled promises of promotion;

3) improper industrial health treatment;

4) money compensation and various bureaucratic fines for workers; and

5) forced labor when fatigued or ill or during holidays.

Since one of their problems was the immense power of the companies (usually jointly owned by a few government people), the workers had to resort to direct contact with the Jakarta authorities for help in settling their grievances. Even the union was emasculated by bribing top officials. At the time of this reporting, the Centre director was away in Jakarta, with some workers, trying to voice out their problems to some sympathetic governmental men or agency.

We also visited different areas of community activity such as cottage industries e.g. batik making, tile and brick making, and also production of copper-ware. These rural communities showed great self-sufficiency in their life-style. We learned that batik workers averaged Rp.500 a day. In one batik factory, comprising several workers, only the man in charge of the printing got the highest wage of Rp.1500 per day. In the brick and tile cottage industry, using backyard level technology, the return depended upon the amount of production. This production depended on the time allotted, given the other competing activities of a rural community.

In a kampong north of Boyolali, between Solo and Salatiga, the workers were involved in quite artistic copper smithing. The government encouraged work by helping train some locals to improve the techniques of production and marketing. There were 30 families engaged in this activity. Here the mark-up over the cost of production was around Rp.500, yet though this could come out of a day's production, the marketing of the goods was difficult because of the distance and uncertain prices.

In farming, there was a distinct absence of mechanization and almost all cultivation was done manually. In one area we visited, the average land holding was around 4 acres and then only about 30%-50% of the folks actually owned some land. Most had to

find other paid work to supplement their income.

In the sphere of social activity, the SWGF workers work with prostitutes. Prostitution was government organized in Solo. A visit to the Silir or local government organized brothel was an eye-opener to what was called the "second best solution" to the problem of prostitution. Two such government organized communities in Solo were banned to foreigners. Most of the women were particularly young, usually around 18 years old. Working from 9:00 a.m. to 12 p.m. midnight, these women could earn from 7,500-10,000 Rp.

In Silir, the SWGF workers were also engaged in bible study groups and rehabilitation-oriented training schemes since according to them the women had happily accepted their profession as a useful vocation. There is no attempt of weaning these women from prostitution.

Another problem being tackled by SWGF was the human resettlement or relocation schemes of the government. Compensation for land expropriated for dams or other projects of the government had not been fully paid to the people after they shifted to Sumatra. At best about 20% of the amount due the people was paid; the rest lost in red tapes of the government bureaucracy.

We were also informed of the widespread poverty. For example, the "beca" or peddle-taxis, might on the average, earn Rp400 per day. Of this, they have to pay the rent to the owners of the vehicle Rp300, which leaves the driver / worker a measly Rp.100 per day. Another example given us was the push for youth to join the army for the simple reason that they can earn more easily here. A graduate from the junior high school after 2 years of training would earn Rp.2,500 per month, while a graduate of senior high after 4 years of training would receive Rp.4000 per month.

Another area of interest was the school system. There are two class sessions with different pupils. This is to absorb the great number of school age children and also to maximize the use of limited space. In the rural areas, there are many children who cannot 90 to school. A great need for teachers is reflected in the fact that 18 year-old high school leavers are often recruited to teach in elementary schools.

On the whole, we found our experience and encounter of community life at grassroots level quite reward-

ing. The 10 days of "plunge-in" into the culture and language of the Indonesian families we stayed with has provided us valuable insights into the people and their ways of life.

Relection

Outlined below are some of the peculiar things we observed. They are peculiar because they are quite different from the situations back in our respective countries – Japan, Sri Lanka and Fiji.

There is a distinct military presence as we move from one area to another. The attitude of the bureaucracy seems to be militaristic as could be gathered from the many sculptures, monuments and the widespread use of security guards and uniforms.

The presence and influence of foreign commerce and industry cannot be ignored. There just seems to be lots of plastic stuff around.

Even though there are low wages in the unskilled jobs people will accept these jobs. There are low prices for basic foodstuffs and transportation. There is such a contrast in the means and modes of transportation, from the beca, horse drawn carts, trucks, motorcycles to the Mercedes Benz without the middle class cars or the range of cars. There seems to be distinct upper and very low class in terms of income.

The transmigration scheme of the government-shifting people to Sumatra to ease the high density of Java. But these carry a lot of problems – among them the lack of adequate compensation to the settlers.

The Chinese are regarded with antagonism, probably because they belong to the upper merchant and property owning class.

The practice of religious activities is not as free as in our countries. For some reasons, there are laws banning straight evangelizing or conversion programs. But we also discovered some churches using new forms of liturgy to conscientise the church members.