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The Wisdom of the Minjung in Korea

First of all, let me begin by clarifying the term 'minjung'. "Minjung is a Korean word, but it is a combination of two Chinese characters min and jung. Min may be translated as people and jung as the mass. Thus, minjung means the mass of the people, or mass, or just the people."¹ For Ahn Byung-Mu, the best known minjung theologian, the concept of minjung is undefinable. It is a holistic, dynamic, and changing reality, one which escapes categorization. Once it is subjected to definition, it becomes the victim of ideology and the object of speculation. It is, therefore, unwise to define it. What he says is true of the spirit of minjung. However, for the ease of communicating a general understanding of minjung, the term commonly refers to those who are politically-oppressed, economically-exploited and socio-culturally alienated in our day to day life.

David Kwang-Sun Suh, another minjung theologian, described minjung theology as "an accumulation and articulation of theological reflections on the political experiences of Christian students, labourers, the press, professors, farmers, writers, and intellectuals as well as theologians in Korea in the 1970s. It is a

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¹ CCA-CTC, Minjung Theology: People as the Subject of History (Singapore, Christian Conference of Asia - The Commission on Theological Concerns, 1981), 17-18.

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theological response to the oppressors, and it is the response of the oppr^560* to ^le Korean church and its mission." ²

Kim Yong-Bock, also a minjung theologian, tells of how minjung theology originated,

In the midst of the Korean people's struggle for their just and basic rights during the 1970s, there arose a theological community which together reflected on the reality of the people, their historical condition, their experiences of suffering and struggle and their aspirations and hopes. This theological development has been named 'minjung theology'.³

The central importance of minjung theology is the Jesus-event —his suffering, death and resurrection— which is a liberating event. The Korean minjung's struggle for democratization in the 1970s and reunification in the 1980s onward are unique expressions of following after the example of Jesus, his suffering, death and resurrection. This is a permanent source of inspiration for the minjung's struggle for liberation from all forms of captivity. Thus, the suffering Christ and the cross of Jesus are historical realities for the Korean Christians even until today.

The minjung is, therefore, an integral part of the whole struggle for the resolution of fundamental problems in Korean society. The minjung wholeheartedly supports the collective political wisdom of sammin which consists of the three concepts, minjok (nation), minjung (people) and minju (democracy). The Korean minjung believe that Korea must liberate itself from the domination of superpowers and its role as a subordinate country in the international exploitative capitalist economic system. The Korean people must build an independent, self-reliant nation. This is Minjok Tongil — a reunification of the nation.

The Korean minjung are also confident that the unequal distribution of wealth must be corrected and that the economic

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² David Kwang-Sun Suh, lbid., 18.

³ Kim Yong-Bock, Messiah and Minjung: Christ's Solidarity with the People for New Life (Hong Kone: Christian Conference of Asia - Urban Rural Mission, 1992), 3.

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system, controlled by a handful of monopoly capitalists based on exploitation, must be changed in order to build a genuine economy based on the welfare interests of the minjung. This is Minjung Haebang—a liberation of the people.

The Korean minjung further believes that indirect involvement of military-minded groups in Korean politics must be stopped immediately in order to build true democracy in Korean soil. This is Minju faengchui—an achievement of democracy.

It is evident from the above concepts that the political wisdom of the Korean minjung is derived from the whole process of their struggle for democratization and reunification of their country.

Wisdom and the Minjung

The Korean word, Jihye is an equivalent of the English word, wisdom. It is distinguished from the term, Jisik, which denotes knowledge as technical information and know-how. In ordinary usage, these two terms are interconnected. This understanding of wisdom and knowledge is a common phenomenon in East Asian civilization probably due to the common use of Chinese characters.

The problem is that, according to Confucianism, wisdom belongs to the rulers, aristocrats and intellectuals and is not possessed by the minjung. The rulers are wise and the minjung are foolish. The wise are to rule the foolish. The Confucian rule by virtue is a similar tradition to the Platonic political tradition of the philosopher king. Wisdom in this sense is by definition anti-minjung. Therefore, we need to give a new definition to wisdom.

Wisdom is the spiritual and practical art, knowledge and strength that sustains the life of the minjung.

For the minjung, wisdom is a spiritual and practical resource in their struggle for survival, sustenance and liberation. It does not come from the pursuit of truth, philosophical and religious; but it comes from the experiences of the people. It arises out of their experiences of struggle. For them, the foolish is wise; and the wise is foolish. The apostle Paul's discussion on wisdom in I Corinthians 1:17-31 is very relevant here: God chose what is foolish in the world to shame the wise.

The wisdom of the minjung is contained, shared and transmitted in their stories—what Kim Yong Bock calls the minjung social

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biography. It is contained and shared through the Mindam (folk stories), minjung (folk) religions and the minjung arts, music and dances. The minjung wisdom is a wholistic art of life to counter against the forces of oppression and death.

The story of Jesus, his cross and resurrection is indeed another wisdom of life for the minjung. This statement is a theological statement and at the same time a factual statement for the Galilean Minjung under the Roman Empire. We find similarity in the wisdom derived from experiences and cultures of the minjung in different lands from age to age as they struggle for their life. The religious and cultural traditions are elements of the minjung wisdom for their survival and life.

The Wisdom of the Minjung in Korea - I

As I have already indicated, the Korean minjung have a rich reservoir of wisdom for their life. They are the religio-cultural, socio-political and economo-ecological traditions of the minjung that have been accumulated, transmitted and shared among the minjung from generation to generation.

Let me outline some of the crystalized wisdom of the Korean minjung that have sustained the survival and life of the Korean people. There are two dimensions of minjung wisdom: the first is their own original wisdom that are independent of the established traditions. The other is the wisdom they created through transforming the established cultural traditions.

The traditions of Korean folk religiosity and culture, such as shamanism and sun tradition, are typical of minjung wisdom. Shamanism is a folk religious wisdom which deals with the misfortunes of life, including the social and political evils.

The Korean minjung theology sometimes portrays Jesus as a shaman who can relieve the agonies of the people by offering himself as a sacrifice to deliver humanity from the captivity of sin. Korean minjung are Han-ridden people. Han is a Korean expression for unresolved deep feelings of anger, frustration and resentment of people who have become the objects of injustices upon injustices. It is the consequence of more than ten million people having been separated since the Korean peninsula was divided in 1945. This unresolved resentment needs to be exorcised.

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Therefore, the Han tradition is a crystalized form of social emotion of the Korean minjung. It provides them with spiritual and socio-political strength to deal with socio-cultural and political oppression, national and international. Gut is a community drama and shamanistic ritual which deals concretely with exorcising the misfortunes and evils that threaten the life of the minjung.

The Han in its crude form is a feeling of revenge; but it is often sublimated into a deep sense and refined emotion of aspiration for justice to be done. It is best expressed among the minjung women, who have been abandoned by men and who have been oppressed by the patriarchal system of culture and society. It is believed that such Han is formed into a spiritual power that transcends human body and is present everywhere in and out of any human body. Often Shamans personify such feeling; and they also mediate a process of resolution of the Han. In this sense, they are priestesses of the Han. The fortune telling and Gut—a form of mediation ceremony between the human world and spirit world —are concrete ways to deal with the Han and misfortune of the minjung.

Sun is another Utopian spirituality that permeates the life of the minjung. The minjung finds spiritual strength to overcome the harsh reality of life. It is expressed in the stories of angelic beings in nature; and also in the minjung paintings (Minhwa) of ferns, pine trees, turtles, mushrooms, cranes, and a long-living person with white hair and beard among them. The minjung painting that is constituted out of such plants and animals represents a Sun Utopia (Sunkyung). Korean scholars believe that the Korean Sun tradition is a unique tradition that sustained the life of the people in the jungle-like world.

Another example of minjung political wisdom is found in the form of minjung stories. This is exemplified in the tale of Hong Kil-Dong which was very popular during the later Chosen/Yi Dynasty (1392-1910). It is a unique Korean Robinhood story.

This story is about a young man who was born of a Yangban (ruling-aristocrat) father and a commoner mother. Because his mother was not of Yangban origin, he was disqualified from any high government post. Dissatisfaction grew deep in the heart of this young man. He finally revolted and joined the rebels

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who were known as Hwalbindang (bandits who aid the poor). The story ends with this young man establishing a Utopia on a small island called Yuldo, which was characterized by the elimination of the division between Yangban and commoners. This Utopian vision made Hong Kil-Dong one of the most popular tales among the minjung of the Chosun Dynasty.⁴

There is an abundance of folk stories which contain much political wisdom for the life of the minjung. Another example is the tale of Chun-Hyang in which a woman of the lower class obtains vindication for an injustice done against her.

The story tells of how a young man of Yangban class falls in love with Chun-Hyang who is the daughter of a Kisaeng (equivalent of Japanese geisha woman). Soon after the young man has to go to the capital for state examinations. During his absence, the Head of the County tries to make sexual advances on ChunHyang who vehemently refuses to submit to him. For her defiance, he has her tortured and imprisoned. In the meantime, the young man, having passed his examinations, becomes a state high official and returns home to discover the predicament she is in. The story ends with the Head of the County being dealt with severely and Chun-Hyang freed from captivity to marry the one she loves.

The Korean Talchum (mask dance) is another outstanding form of minjung art that contains minjung wisdom. It is a community dance, with minjung music and minjung scenario, which is a satire about social reality. It gives the minjung community a transcendent emotional and dramatic space for critical evaluation of their life in the present world.

Minjung music and instruments also contain a reservoir of minjung wisdom. The Pansori (community music) and Samulnori (instrumental music) are typical of the Korean minjung culture.

The nature of Korean political wisdom is Utopian, apocalyptic, hope-giving, humor-generating, patience-giving so as to be able to sustain the life of the people. It is also communal.

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⁴ Ibid., 12.

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The Wisdom of the Minjung in Korea - II

While the rulers domesticate the minjung culture and religion to preserve their own power and status, the minjung also absorbs the established religious and cultural traditions into the minjung religious cultural tradition. As a result, we have a minjung Buddhist tradition of Miruk (Maitreya) Buddha in Korea. It is a messianic and Utopian Buddhist tradition that has provided much wisdom for the struggle and life of the people in the history of Korea. This minjung Buddhism is a pervasive phenomenon among the life of the minjung throughout Korean history, since the coming of Buddhism in the fourth century. We find the presence of the minjung Buddha in every resistance movement of the minjung in Korea, even in the modern national independence movement, the March 1st Independence Movement of 1919.

The ruling ideology of Confucianism (Neo-Confucianism) during the Chosun Dynasty has been transformed to be the political wisdom of the minjung life and struggle. The Sirhak (Real Learning) Confucianism is called the Minbon (minjung-centered) Confucianism. These minjung-centered Confucian teachings are taken by the minjung to defend their life. A typical example is the use of the Heavenly Mandate. The minjung say that the heart of the minjung is the heart of Heaven. This means that rulers cannot violate the will and heart of the people.

The most outstanding example of religious wisdom of the minjung, which arose out of established religions, is the Tonghak (Eastern Learning). It combines key elements of the established religious teachings with the minjung religious elements to generate the spiritual wisdom and strength that energizes the minjung and their movement. This in turn provides visionary Utopian hope, and forges the will of the minjung to struggle for social transformation. The Tonghak emerged during the middle of the nineteenth century and has been influential throughout the modern history of Korea. This tradition provided a powerful influence on the March 1st Independence Movement as well as on minjung Buddhism and minjung Christianity in Korea during 1919.

Even today some view that the Tonghak tradition provides a vital element for the life movement of the minjung which includes ecological concerns.

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Korean Christianity may be regarded as Minjung Christianity to the extent that it has been appropriated as their wisdom. Korean Christianity was able to make connections with the life movement and struggle of the Korean minjung. This is a historical reason for Korean Christianity being so energetic that it has a wide influence in Korean society. In Korean Christianity, it is not strange to say that the story of Jesus and his people is the source of minjung wisdom.

There is much political wisdom in the ordinary struggle of the minjung and in the movement of political, social and economic history of the Korean people. But contemporary people's movements such as urban poor movement, industrial workers' movement, rural peasants' movement, women's movement, students' movements, and citizens' movements generate much wisdom in the midst of the minjung. These stories of the contemporary peoples' movements often are connected with the political wisdom of the religio-cultural traditions of the minjung.

The Han of the Korean Minjung

In my concluding remarks, let me share with you a true but sad story to help us understand more about Han. I have taken these stories from Yun Chung-Ok, Co-chair of the Korean Council for Women Drafted for Military Sexual Service by Japan. These women are very courageous. By highlighting their Han stories, they have finally succeeded in pressurizing both the Korean and Japanese governments to admit to their wrongdoing in the past.

Under the Japanese Rule (1910-1945), an estimated 200,000 Korean women were drafted to provide Japanese soldiers with sex or to work as 'slave workers' at Japanese war supply plants. Although drafted under the names of the 'Women's Patriotic Service Corps', 'Women's Patriotic Labour Corps' or 'Women's Voluntary Labour Corps (Jungshindae) many women were actually forced to become prostitutes for the Japanese soldiers. They were euphemistically called Wianbu meaning 'Military Comfort Women'.

Around 1944, the Japanese began to actually hunt down 'Comfort Women' in public areas such as the fields, roads, factories, public wells and even in private homes. At the start of the Sino-Japanese war the Japanese soldiers were served by unmarried women aged 17-20. Yoshida Seichi, who has confessed he

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played a part in sending Korean girls to the battlefield as sex slaves, said that he captured even a mother, throwing her crying baby away. He emphasized that it was a 'slave hunt'.

The captured women were raped in the trains headed toward China or the boats destined for the Pacific Islands. Many women committed suicide during the trip because they were ashamed of losing their virginity. From then on, the captors chained the women when they transported them.

According to Methods of Preventing Venereal Disease, a report written by the Japanese army doctor Aso Deso, the 'Military Comfort Women' were given by the Japanese Emperor to the Imperial Army as a royal gift. Because 'Comfort Women' were considered as objects, they were classified as ammunition under the army's records. In the 'comfort houses', the women were treated as no more than mere objects.

One prostitute from Okinawa who refused to be a comfort woman, testified that she saw one Korean woman being forced to receive 100 men in one day at a comfort house resembling a public lavatory.

The survivors testified that those who were not submissive were brutally beaten, and escape was impossible due to strict surveillance. Those who tried to escape were killed when they failed. Yoshida says that it was not prostitution but a collective rape.

The women were not well fed and received so many soldiers that they caught tuberculosis, constipation, and all kinds of venereal diseases. Many women also suffered from mental disorders. In cases where the women were unable to accept their prostitution, the army drugged them with Philopon to make them accept their plight. Some of them died as a result of inhumane treatment and many were murdered.

Survivors and former soldiers testified that Japanese soldiers informed Japanese 'Comfort Women' of Japan's defeat and fled with them. However, Korean 'Military Comfort Women' were never informed of Japan's defeat and were left behind.

Some of the 'Military Comfort Women' were killed by the Japanese army. Japanese soldiers drove the Korean women into trenches or caves and either bombed or opened fire on the women, creating mass graves on the spot. One Japanese senator from Sakhalin said that some of the 'Comfort Women' were

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burned to death, and many of them are still living in Sakhalin. One Japanese who worked as a signal man during the war said he knew of 200 'Comfort Women' forced into a submarine which was subsequently torpedoed.

Until just recently, Japan has denied its involvement in the sex-slave operation. The government has insisted that private businesses or individual brokers were responsible for recruiting, transporting and employing the women.

It is only due to the recent disclosures of documents and the testimonies of the survivors that the Japanese government has been forced to admit its involvement in the war time atrocity of the 'Military Comfort Women'. However, only an ambiguous apology was made by Prime Minister Miyazawa at the time of his visit to Korea. Japan still refuses to compensate them, maintaining that the issue of reparations was closed in 1965 with the Korea-Japan basic treaty. Japan is also reluctant to make public all the truths concerning 'Military Comfort Women', including the exact figures and lists of Korean 'Military Comfort Women' as well as the destinies of those who did not return after the war.

Adorned with their political wisdom, the minjung of Korea are consistently seeking ways to resolve the fundamental frustrations and agonies in their lives. This political wisdom has become so much a part of Korean minjung philosophy that, not surprisingly, this political wisdom permeates the theology of the Korean minjung Christians.

Unlike the West, where religion and state form the basis of formal interpretation of their political theology, the political theology of Korean minjung taps on the cultural resources of life to break through the barriers of the minjung's life. Thus, the political wisdom of Korean minjung emphasizes on the religio-cultural aspects of life in dealing with the political problems in their divided country.

As we look at the present Korean minjung's struggle for democratization and reunification, we can see all the dynamism and courageous spirit emanating from their actual involvement for the betterment of their life. (1992)