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Appendix IX

Korean Travel Diary, 1960

By Frank Engel

Excitement simmered amongst the tourist class passengers as the plane circled Seoul's international airport at Kimpo, for down below were detachments of the three armed services drawn up on the airfield, weapons and decorations glinting in the sunlight. As the plane turned again, we could see a red carpet and a guard of honor. Unknown to us lesser mortals. Foreign Minister Serrano or the Philippines, his wife, and official party were in first class. A few minutes later, they stepped down on to the red carpet to the accompaniment of a military band – and the unobtrusive click of a Federation camera! A nice color shot!

When I had passed through Customs and been officially and very warmly welcomed by representatives of the Korean Student Christian Council, including Hung-tae Kim and Hei-sun Oak who were at Salonika, we boarded Jim Laney's Land Rover. As we moved on to the highway, we found ourselves at the end of the official procession, which was conveying Mr. Serrano into the capital. Immediately in front were the limousines of the American and French ambassadors. This was an opportunity not to be thrown away - an opportunity for a quick trip into the city. Instead of the usual forty minutes, we were there in twenty. Not without an effort, though, on the part of the Land Rover, when the procession exceeded forty miles per hour. But it held on gallantly, being duly waved on without question by the countless policemen stationed every fifty or so yards along the route. Inside, there was much mirth at the unusual situation, and much encouragement of the panting vehicle.

So began my third visit to South Korea – a very changed South Korea. In some respects a gayer, more light-hearted, more hopeful, more internationally cooperative South Korea. In others, an uncertain, bewildered country.

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From The Student World, No. IV, 1961

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A changed Korea

The change was due to two factors: the overthrow of the Syng-man Rhee regime, and the means by which it was overthrown.

Syngman Rhee himself was and to a large extent remains, the symbol of national independence, of national unity and of resistance to communism. To achieve any of these aims called for a rigorous and sometimes repressive policy. By and large this was accepted more willingly by the Koreans themselves than by outsiders. They saw the necessity for it, and they were accustomed to that type of government under the Japanese and their own kings. But by the end of 1958, it became clear that the Liberal Party intended to use extreme measures to keep itself in power and Syngman Rhee in the presidential palace. It used physical force to secure the passage of amendments to the National Security Act by which it took increased powers. This caused a major political disturbance, which was only aggravated by the Government's suppression of a prominent newspaper in April 1959. In May and June of that year, I was surprised by several instances of individuals being publicly critical of the government - and by the fear of others to be a party to such criticism. Looking back, one sees the meeting of Christian professors in Seoul in June 1959 as a singularly daring example of responsible and courageous criticism. It was a normal meeting of the Christian Professors Commission of the Student YMCA-YWCA to which the Minister of Public Information, Mr. Chun, was invited to speak on "Freedom of Speech and the Role of Christian Faculty". It was he who had issued the order suppressing the newspaper. Mr. Chun is a Christian, an ordained minister, and was held in some regard as a Christian leader and thinker. He was, therefore, heard respectfully, but his speech cut no ice with his audience, who were not deceived by the theological smoke screens with which he endeavored to obscure the issues. As soon as he stopped speaking, he was subjected to a polite but relentless and fearless questioning by the audience. Subsequently, the police, who wanted to know why the minister had been, treated in this kind of way, questioned Moon-kyu Kang, the Student Secretary of YMCA. Rather unexpectedly, they accepted the statement that it was simply a normal meeting at which no particular offence had been intended.

Throughout 1959, the government kept up its pressure to ensure that Syngman Rhee was re-elected as President in 1960. In March 1960, two months earlier than originally planned, he was re-elected.

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But the pressure had gone too far. There was an outcry against the rigging of ballot boxes and other corrupt or coercive acts during the polling. A demonstration in Masan led to a clash between students and police. One high school student was missed for several days, and his body was found in the harbor. In his eye was part of a tear-gas shell. The police took this as proof of torture. The news flashed to Seoul and resulted in a demonstration there.

As the demonstrators from Korea University, led by a student who was a leader in the Korean SCM, returned home, a gang of hired ruffians who beat them with chains and other implements set upon them. News of this repressive use of violence by the authorities spread like wildfire, and the next day, April 19, 1960, thousands of students demonstrated in the city. The demonstration was peaceful, but the police shot and killed 187 students and wounded more than 5,000. This discredited the police force and after a week of mounting student pressure, the President eventually resigned, the Government fell and the Vice-President and his family committed suicide. The wrath of the people had been vented against the Vice-president, Ki-pyong Lee, who was regarded as the real villain of the piece. On the other hand, the President had been applauded as he drove from the palace to his own home. His subsequent retirement to Hawaii has helped to maintain the position of respect and esteem in which he has always been held as the father of national independence.

It was not until July that elections were held which resulted in the victory of the Democratic Party and the disappearance of the Liberal Party. Before and after that there continued to be demonstrations or agitations against leaders in any walk of life who had been too closely associated with the Liberal Party. One of the allegations was usually that they had made "illegal fortunes", i.e., that they had used their positions to feather the own nests. Every public institution and agency of government, every university, church or association was subject to this process of "purification". In some cases leaders resigned whether politically involved or not, but in most they were forced out by student demonstrations. This was continuing seven months after the Revolution, but by that time, it had become clear there was a limit to the amount of leadership a nation could lose. The Government felt compelled to forbid any further attacks on the senior leadership of the Army, as the situation was imperiling the defense of the country. About the same time they felt

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compelled to try to bring to an end the era of "government by demonstration" and, after a hesitant beginning, took firm action against students who demonstrated in November.

However, in the meantime, it had been clearly established that the new government was subject to criticism and that the student body, in some measure or other, was the voice of such criticism.

Major consequences of the April Revolution were:

a) Freedom of thought and expression. It was now possible to discuss a variety of political and economic ideas without being arrested as a communist. It was even possible for men in public positions to discus the possibility of contact with North Korea. (There has been absolutely no contact except through spies or meetings of military commanders)

b) Hope of a new society free from corruption and graft in political and business life.

c) New relationships with Japan. For the first time since 1945 sporting teams from Japan, visited Korea and they were well received. A party of Japanese journalists was admitted for the first time since the end of the war in Korea in 1953. A student delegation was sent to Japan, and so on. A beginning was made with negotiating a settlement of outstanding disputes between the governments of the two countries.

It was a completely different atmosphere, an almost unbelievable change that had taken place. And yet by the end of six months, feelings of confusion, bewilderment and even despair were being expressed by some students. The bright promise of the Revolution seemed in danger of becoming tarnished. Somehow, the sacrifice of young lives did not seem to guarantee a purer national life. Social and political optimism was being supplanted by the persistence of evil in the political struggle. Bewilderment arose as students saw that demonstrations were not enough, and that there needed to be more fundamental approaches to a new life movement than those of trying to correct the trade balance by boycotting coffee shops.

The winter that brought in 1961 was one darkened by uncertainty and fear as to what the New Year might fail to bring forth or what it might reveal. As it began, it smelt like a fateful winter.

Change in student Christian circles

To my great delight, my visit was organized by the Korean

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Student Christian Council, instead of my time being divided between three organizations, the Student YMCA, the Student YWCA and the Korean SCM. It began with a reception held by the KSCC and was marked by a series of KSCC conferences on the life and mission of the Church, and by regular meetings of the staff of the three organizations coming together as the staff of the KSCC. Working together, the staff discussed the areas of common work. They adopted a common study programme to be carried out by the KSCC, and plans for a joint summer service programme with preparatory training for participants.

How great a change is this can be judged by the fact that Winburn Thomas first proposed the idea of a KSCC when he visited Korea as a Federation Secretary in 1948. It seemed to be virtually accepted during my visit as a Federation Visitor in 1953. The idea was endorsed at a consultation with Kyaw Than in 1954. Yet it took much effort to get representatives of the three organizations together during my 1959 visit to discuss and agree in principle to the idea of a KSCC. However, this agreement was reached on my last night in Korea, June 16. The matter was referred to the several Boards and by the time, the Federation Executive met on July 2 a cablegram arrived announcing formation of the KSCC.

It was not, however, until the KSCC became the affiliated member of the Federation at Thessaloniki in August 1960 that it began to take on reality. The organization of my November visit and especially the LMC conferences brought it to life and into prominence in the minds of students.

The conferences on the Life and Mission of the Church

The KSCC planned three of these and a fourth took place by the spontaneous initiative of students in Pusan. The first was held in Seoul, the second in Kwangju (South West area), the third in Taegu (S.E. area) and the fourth in Pusan which as the southern most large educational centre was not to be content with inclusion in the area conference in Taegu. This, interestingly enough, was due to the fact that there had been regular intercollegiate meetings involving both KSCM and Y groups ever since the first joint conference was held there during my visit in June 1959.

The three conferences was planned by the KSCC to convey to each major region some of the thinking and stimulus of Strasbourg, to present the KSCC as an established fact and explain its policy and

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programme, and to give help to the development of regional Councils of the KSCC. We were fortunate in being able to have several leaders present at all the conferences and some at more than one conference. In general, the pattern was as follows:

a) I spoke on the LMC Programme, stating the reason for it and its significance in the Asian setting and for an SCM, summarizing very briefly the main thought of Rangoon Conference, and passing on some of the main ideas from Strasbourg about the mission of the Church and the mission of the SCM. The Rev. Hyung- tae Kim and Mr. Dal-chung Kim showed slides of Strasbourg and gave their impression of the conference. Miss Hei-sun Oak did the same at the Seoul conference, but was unable to attend the others.

b) There was an address on the role of the KSCC, its aims, programs, and hopes.

c) A panel discussion on the task of the SCM (SCM here means KSCM plus Student Ys) in the light of the changed and changing situation in Korea.

d) An address on how to plan an SCM program, or a discussion on the formation of a regional council.

Lack of finance and pressure of academic work prevented the holding of conferences longer than one weekend; but it seemed to me it was well worth while doing this much. Students of the three organizations were brought together in fellowship, the KSCC began to take on reality, information was disseminated about the WSCF and the LMC program, and help was given with regional and campus problems. Not least was the value of a team of leaders representative of the KSCM, the Student Ys and the WSCF working together not once but several times and in different settings which tended to throw up a variety of problems and challenges which had to be faced together. In this venture, the KSCC was discovering itself and we were learning what it could and should mean.

We also learnt a good deal, as to what students were thinking. We learnt of their confusion, bewilderment and loss of courage, because of the lack of adequate Christian leadership and the lack of Christian unity. We learnt of their sense of responsibility to change society and the church; and of their uncertainty as to how these things were to be done. We heard a tall lad stress the need for a conscious concern with social reform, the need for "the conscious-

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ness that I am in history", and the need for a religious discipline so that we may know our calling in the world. On the other hand, we heard a girl say, "It is necessary first of all to concentrate on the campus task and to build up confidence and find a central faith, and only then to go out to change society." We heard another student say, "Start with your limited capacity. Don't be concerned or afraid because of its smallness". And yet another said, "We must come to the SCM with our minds, not with our ears only; for the SCM should be a place not merely for fellowship, but where students will receive inspiration from the Bible." And after several complaints about the lack of leaders who understood students, one student stated emphatically, "A sense of purpose does not depend on senior leadership, but on the witness of members on the campus... We must explain that Christianity is not just for the old people who want to go to heaven."

There is certainly vitality, enthusiasm, dedication and courage amongst Christian students in Korea. With the very meager intellectual and material resources of their churches, they make a stand and a witness on the campus and show considerable capacity for service. Their great needs are for help in how to carry out their tasks of witness and service, and how to grow together in unity.

With these needs in view, the KSCC has planned its programme.

The Yonsei University dispute

One afternoon I stepped out of the Hotel Bando Building to find myself on the edge of a student demonstration. The street, a main one in the centre of Seoul, was blocked with some five hundred students demonstrating outside the US Embassy, which was opposite. They were demanding, by poster and by chanting, that two American missionaries be sent back to the USA. They were Dr. Horace Underwood and Dr. Charles Sauer, the Acting President and the Chairman of the Governing Board of the University respectively. Dr. Underwood's house had already been sacked by a minority of 70 out of the 700 students who had been there, and they soon moved on to smash the windows, doors, furniture and fittings of Dr. Sauer's house. The next day, when nearly 1,000 students began to march into the city, the police stopped them with baton charges and tear gas.

There were many factors involved in this situation as in most serious disputes; but strangely enough, anti-Americanism was not

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one of them, although it might have become one. The University Board saw the struggle as basically, a contest between itself and some professors and students for control of University policy. The professors, on the other hand, were basically concerned about certain problems of tenure of their positions, and the students were simply supporting the professors. As in an industrial dispute or strike, one dismissal or action has various effects and side effects and the major issues get obscured. Cutting through all the allegations, misunderstandings and fears on both sides, there seemed to be two main issues:

a) What is the nature of a Christian university? How is it maintained as a Christian university? Is this done by giving full tenure of office to Christian professors only and placing others on a temporary basis? What is the test of being a "Christian" professor? Baptism? Nominal church attendance? In other words, what is the role of the institutional Church in the power structure of a Christian university?

b) What is the role of the foreign missionary, particularly in times of insistence on self-determination?

It sees to me, in other words, that beneath the smoke of strike action, house-wrecking, teargas and police arrests, there were the fundamental issues of the nature of a Christian university and the role of official church leadership particularly if this is foreign in nationality. For this reason, this local struggle (which involved the arrest of 187 students, the destruction of 2 buildings and the arbitration of a dispute in a Christian university by a Government Ministry of Education) is of significance to the WSCF as a whole.

The Christian's political concern

There was no doubt about the liveliness of the political concern of Korean Christian students. This was due both to the realization that students had political power as shown in the April Revolution and to the subsequent bewilderment as to the nature of politics and the role of the Christians.

When at an informal meeting which I had with student officers of the YMCA and YWCA, questions were called for; the first question was "What do you think about Neutralization (meaning the international neutralization of Korea)?" Similar questions followed and then questions about the role of the Church and of Christians in politics. This happened more than once.

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The question of the Christian's involvement was a particularly live one because the Revolution had shown that many Christian leaders were involved in politics in the sense of being closely connected with the Liberal Party and its leadership. When this was shown to be corrupt, ruthless and repressive, it reflected no credit on the churches. This was particularly because of the involvement of a number of Christian ministers in full-time political activity, as, for example, Mr. Chun as Minister of Public Information and the man responsible for the suppression of the Taegu newspaper. As consequences, the churches did not show up well when the change came. Christian students were active in the Revolution and some took leading parts, one, at least, a major part. Numbers lost their lives. But Christian students said "We acted as students, not as Christians". They had not any Christian basis for their political action or Christian understanding of politics. This is not surprising in a country where there has never been much opportunity for free political discussion, and where, since Independence, politics has had a very unthinking partisan background ("Of course I vote for Syngman Rhee... He is a Methodist and I am a Methodist") and where the centre of it has been a largely uncritical attitude to its central figure, the President. And yet it is now clear that much Church leadership did not show up well in time of crisis. Not only was some of it tied up with the Liberal Party, other church leaders were slow to give any constructive lead whether politically, theologically, or even pastorally in the time of crisis. Although Christian students were killed, the funeral rites were entirely Buddhist, which is understandable in a nominally Buddhist country, but nevertheless surprising in one where the Christian Church had been well established and claims 5 per cent of the population.

At the informal meeting with student officers, already referred to, I was asked, "What is the meaning of reconciliation?" I took this to be a general question, but soon discovered it was a burning personal issue, for the student who asked it was right in the thick of student politics in Yonsei University! The result was that he requested an additional meeting and the next day brought seven others from Yonsei to discuss what it means to be reconciled with non-Christians and to take a reconciling part in a strife-torn university. Politics and theology are far from being academic questions in Korea.

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Appreciation

I cannot conclude without expressing very grateful appreciation of the warmth of the welcome given me on this as on previous occasions, of the friendship shown to the Federation and me and of the wonderful hospitality, which I received. A Federation Secretary could not be received more whole-heartedly and cordially than in Korea.