The Churches in the Multicultural
Society of Indonesia
John A. Titaley
Excerpts of input delivered last August 7, 1996 during the
Student Empowerment for Transformation 1996 held at the Bina
Darma Foundation, Salatiga,
Central Java, Indonesia.
As a nation founded upon
several old societies, nation-building from the Indonesian experience was an
attempt to consolidate its old societies into a new one. This has been
difficult for an island nation like Indonesia mainly due to its diverse
cultures.
Geographically speaking,
Indonesia is almost as big
as the United States of
America. This 13,667-island nation is
over 3,000 miles long (equal to the distance between San
Francisco and the Bermuda Islands), and about 1,000 miles wide (equal to the
distance between Buffalo, New
York and Key West,
Florida). It has more sea than
land. Culturally and ethnically speaking, the island nation has more than 200
hundred languages and dialects spoken by ethnic groups, although Bahaso Indonesia
is the national language. With its people's origins, Indonesia
has a largely Javanese populace and quite a large mix of immigrants from Saudi Arabia, India,
the Netherlands, pacific
islands and mainland Asia, particularly China.
Indonesia practices almost all
world religions, except Judaism. These religions have largely influenced the
formation of Indonesian culture. The indigenous beliefs found in almost every
island contributed to the development of its culture. However, during its early
years of independence following a long period of Dutch colonization, these
diverse ethnic groups and religions created serious problems on integration and
the country's search for identity.
Fortunately for this new
nation, it was able to evolve a national ideology; its philosophical
foundation—the Pancasila.
The Economics and
Politics of Indonesia
Indonesia has recently finished
implementing its first national development plan from 1969 to 1994 (First
Long-Range Development). The country now 'enters' an era that would hopefully
lead it towards being an industrial society (Second Long-Range Development).
Economically, Indonesia has
grown from a less developed nation to one of the 'new economic tigers' of Asia. It boasts of an average annual growth rate of 6-7
percent. Its GDP is US$1,030. Statistics point out that less than 30 million of
its more than 200 million people live below the poverty line (about 15
percent). It relentlessly pursues to strengthen its high-tech, automobile, and
aircraft industries.
However, this economic
growth requires political growth as well. This is especially true since the
current models of economic growth do not necessarily 'correct' the economic
imbalance between the rich and poor. For example, there are still workers in
transnational corporations receiving a daily salary of US$2.
The economic
achievements, with its impact on education and social life, have also
heightened the people's awareness of their political rights. Unfortunately,
this developed without 'guidance' from the government since it concentrated more
on the country's economic growth and did not pay equal attention to the
evolution of its political life. Now, after fifty years as an independent
nation, Indonesia
faces a revival of its traditional politics—one that has strongly but
indirectly influenced the country since its proclamation. Strong religious and nationalist motivations propel this politics.
Recently, there has been a strong drive among the different mainstream groups
to revive their political movements. The Christian community is actively
reestablishing the former Partai Kristea
Indonesia
or PARKINDO (Indonesian Christian Party) through the Partisipasi
Kristen Indonesia (also dubbed as PARKINDO) or the Indonesian Christian
Participation. Also recently formed was a new organization among the
nationalists, the Persatuan Nasional Indonesia (PNI). It is patterned after the Partai Nasional
Indonesia (also PNI) of the late President Sukarno. In addition, the Muslim
community has been strongly promoting Islamic ideas.
These developments have
followed the growth of intellectual organizations founded along religious
lines: the Indonesian Christian Intellectual Association (PIKI), Indonesian
Muslim Intellectual Bond (ICMi), Association of
Catholic Scholars (ISKA), Association of Buddhist Intellectuals (ICB), and
Hindu Intellectual Group. A Nationalist Intellectual Association is also being
organized.
What seems to be
happening in Indonesia
is d come-back of old politics—one that grows out of sectarian lines.
Understanding the Pancasila
As mentioned earlier, at
the outset of Indonesia's
independence the Pancasila was developed to undergird the country's nationhood. It was designed to
unite the country's various religious, ethnic, and ideological motivations. Indonesia once had the strongest communist party
outside China and Russia.
At that time, the
prevailing question was "how can the people of different ethnic,
religious, and ideological backgrounds relate to each other?"
Three schools of thought
were major players during the struggle for Indonesia's independence from the
Dutch colonial rulers. These were: an exclusive nationalism of traditional
Javanese origin, a religious ideology in Islam, and Marxism-Socialism. Since
the country did not have any historic precedence as an independent nation,
proponents of the ideologies were trying to dominate each other.
Sukarno, the first
president of the republic, then attempted to put all these ideologies together
in the framework of the Pancasila.
Using this framework, Sukarno guaranteed a place for each ideology. The Pancasila provided a backdrop by which these ideologies can
relate with each other as the people pursue independence and nationhood.
To understand Pancasila better, one has to look at it as a
'transformational' ideology. For Indonesia this meant an approach
that understood and developed the different ideologies in its second naiveté.
The first naïveté perceived the ideologies as they were originally developed,
while the second one studied and developed them in Indonesia's context. Take for
example Islam. Studying it in its first naiveté, leads to a perception that it
is the politico-religious ideology of Saudi Arabia. However, in its
second naïveté, Islam [in Indonesia]
was understood and developed from a context where Hinduism, Buddhism,
Christianity, Socialism, and nationalism were also strong. This meant that it
should become an Islam that tolerated other religions and ideologies. To have
ignored this context would lead to a conflict of religious interest and a
possible disintegration of the nation (e.g., Bosnia Herzegovina). It thus
required transformation.
Another basic problem in
understanding the Pancasila is the way the first
principle— "Belief in One and Only God"—is interpreted. For the
founders of Indonesia,
this principle was the nation's ethical basis. However, their problem was from
what religious perspective' would the principle be understood? Would it be
Islam, since the majority of the people are Muslims? What about people of other
faiths? What about non-believers?
In the process of
Indonesian Independence,
the Muslim community proposed a philosophical frame for the state. Widely known
as the "Jakarta Charter," the framework was Islamic in nature. It
defined the first
|
The Pancasila
Belief in One and
Only God
A Just and Civilized
Society
The Unity of Indonesia
Peoplehood Guarded by the Spirit of Wisdom in
Deliberation/Representation
Social Justice to All
People of Indonesia
|
Ideological Root
Islam
Marxism-Socialism
Nationalism
Marxism-Socialism
Marxism-Socialism
|
principle as "Lordship,
with the obligation to carry out Islamic law to its adherents." This
interpretation was likewise reflected in the draft preamble of the constitution.
In addition, a draft Declaration of Indonesian Independence promoted old
Indonesian societal ideas (i.e., Srivijaya Kingdom of South Sumatera or
Majapahit Kingdom of East Java), and the influence of
the Greater East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere concept in Indonesia's independence struggle.
However, strong objections from the youth to the "restrictive"
formulation of the charter, the independence declaration, and the preamble
forced the founders to draft new versions. In these 'new' versions, the spirit
of the first principle became interpreted as the "Lord of the
Indonesian people who made that confession." Since then, the
Indonesian people understood their religiosity from an inclusive
perspective—open to people of different faiths.
Thus. using
the first principle, the people found a common ground for constructing an ethic
for a multicultural society. In their plurality, the Indonesian people had a
common base of existence: confessing the same Lord, then striving to live-out
the other virtues of Pancasila.
Churches' Role in Indonesian Society
What is the role of
Christian churches in Indonesia
today? Can the 'transformation' perspective influence the theology of the
churches?
There are two reasons
for recommending a development of a "transformation theology."
First, is the [religious] equality which Indonesia
promises. If the phenomenon of the country is
perceived in the perspective of 'transformation,' any tendency to treat certain
religions as special will be against the nature of Indonesia. Therefore, certain
religious ideas, even that of the majoritya
should not be allowed to dominate. In Indonesia, there are two majorities
but of different roots: Islam, in terms of religion, and Javanese, in ethnicity.
Javanese are not necessarily Muslims.
Moreover, the constitution guarantees
the right of every citizen to equal treatment of the law. As such,
although Indonesia
is a democratic state, it promotes a 'consensus democracy'— a democracy
protecting the minority from the majority.
The second reason comes
from theological and experiential bases. As an indigenous Christian, I found
the fulfillment of my Christianity in Indonesia's nationhood. Having been
a Christian under Dutch rule, I realized that their version of Christianity did
not provide me full human equality when compared to my Dutch (Christian]
brothers and sisters. While we (Dutch and Indonesians alike) were 'saved'
through our confession of the Lordship and saving grace of Christ, the reality
of Dutch rule promoted discrimination against local people. In social and
political life, there were certain posts restricted to Dutch nationals. In this
sense, while we had the same salvific experience, we
did not have the equal opportunity to live as human beings. What did our
Christian humanity mean in that experience? What is the meaning of Christian
salvation? Had we been saved, totally?
From my point of view
and experience, we will still be unequally treated if not for the independence.
Indonesia's
independence, in this perspective, provides the fulfillment of the salvific work of God in Jesus Christ—which the Dutch
preached as well. Therefore, the phrase "by the mercy and grace of the
Lord Almighty" in the preamble, is a strong theological statement.
Understanding it from an Indonesian premise would mean that my faith in the
liberating work of Christ requires me to become involved in the social and
political life of Indonesia,
not just because I am an Indonesian citizen but more so since I am a Christian.
I am called to witness and enhance the salvific work
of God, that started with the independence, in my
daily life. This means the enhancement of equality, justice, freedom,
protection of human rights, etc.
In forming the Council
of Churches in Indonesia (DGI) in 1950, now called the Communion of Churches in
Indonesia (PGI), the churches made the right decision toward developing this
theological perspective of 'transformation.' Looking at the history of the
formation of DGI with its objective of evolving one Christian church, it
implies that such a move contributed to the promotion of a high level of unity
among the various churches. This was unique since the churches in Indonesia
were basically ethnic churches and not necessarily denominational in character.
Thus, by demonstrating their unity in a time when the country was in search of
its identity, the Christian churches contributed very meaningfully to the
development of Indonesian society.
Being a minority in a
multicultural society, the Christian churches also contributed to the dynamism
of Indonesia.
In on age where democracy usually dictates that the majority interest should
supersede the minority, the Indonesian case is unique. In fact, there are very
few cases in modern history where neither a majority religion nor a majority
ethnic group becomes predominant in state rule. While our modern world promotes
the dominance of either ethnicity or religiosity, or both, the 'Indonesian
case' avoids that. In this context, the Christian churches have a unique calling, that is, enabling Indonesia to prevent itself from
falling into that kind of tendency.
To do so, the churches
in Indonesia
started among themselves. The formation of one Christian church required a
'transformational' attitude among the churches. !n a time when the nation is
wondering about the kind of unify befitting Indonesia, the Christian churches
promoted and tivedout the idea of unity in their
diversity. This meant that the churches deliberately looked over their ethnic
and religious differences to promote a common understanding of their faith, and
'serve the Lord meaningfully' in the context of Indonesia's reality.
It is from this
perspective that I am calling to the Christian churches in Indonesia, especially the members
of PGI, to again proclaim their unity. Indonesia can easily fall back into
the kind of sectarianism it had during the stage of its initial nationhood. If
this occurs, the significance of Indonesia will disappear.