The Churches in the Multicultural Society of Indonesia

John A. Titaley

 

Excerpts of input delivered last August 7, 1996 during the Student Empowerment for Transformation 1996 held at the Bina Darma Foundation, Salatiga, Central Java, Indonesia.

 

As a nation founded upon several old societies, nation-building from the Indonesian experience was an attempt to consolidate its old societies into a new one. This has been difficult for an island nation like Indonesia mainly due to its diverse cultures.

Geographically speaking, Indonesia is almost as big as the United States of America. This 13,667-island nation is over 3,000 miles long (equal to the distance between San Francisco and the Bermuda Islands), and about 1,000 miles wide (equal to the distance between Buffalo, New York and Key West, Florida). It has more sea than land. Culturally and ethnically speaking, the island nation has more than 200 hundred languages and dialects spoken by ethnic groups, although Bahaso Indonesia is the national language. With its people's origins, Indonesia has a largely Javanese populace and quite a large mix of immigrants from Saudi Arabia, India, the Netherlands, pacific islands and mainland Asia, particularly China.

Indonesia practices almost all world religions, except Judaism. These religions have largely influenced the formation of Indonesian culture. The indigenous beliefs found in almost every island contributed to the development of its culture. However, during its early years of independence following a long period of Dutch colonization, these diverse ethnic groups and religions created serious problems on integration and the country's search for identity.

Fortunately for this new nation, it was able to evolve a national ideology; its philosophical foundation—the Pancasila.

 

The Economics and Politics of Indonesia

Indonesia has recently finished implementing its first national development plan from 1969 to 1994 (First Long-Range Development). The country now 'enters' an era that would hopefully lead it towards being an industrial society (Second Long-Range Development). Economically, Indonesia has grown from a less developed nation to one of the 'new economic tigers' of Asia. It boasts of an average annual growth rate of 6-7 percent. Its GDP is US$1,030. Statistics point out that less than 30 million of its more than 200 million people live below the poverty line (about 15 percent). It relentlessly pursues to strengthen its high-tech, automobile, and aircraft industries.

However, this economic growth requires political growth as well. This is especially true since the current models of economic growth do not necessarily 'correct' the economic imbalance between the rich and poor. For example, there are still workers in transnational corporations receiving a daily salary of US$2.

The economic achievements, with its impact on education and social life, have also heightened the people's awareness of their political rights. Unfortunately, this developed without 'guidance' from the government since it concentrated more on the country's economic growth and did not pay equal attention to the evolution of its political life. Now, after fifty years as an independent nation, Indonesia faces a revival of its traditional politics—one that has strongly but indirectly influenced the country since its proclamation. Strong religious and nationalist motivations propel this politics. Recently, there has been a strong drive among the different mainstream groups to revive their political movements. The Christian community is actively reestablishing the former Partai Kristea Indonesia or PARKINDO (Indonesian Christian Party) through the Partisipasi Kristen Indonesia (also dubbed as PARKINDO) or the Indonesian Christian Participation. Also recently formed was a new organization among the nationalists, the Persatuan Nasional Indonesia (PNI). It is patterned after the Partai Nasional Indonesia (also PNI) of the late President Sukarno. In addition, the Muslim community has been strongly promoting Islamic ideas.

These developments have followed the growth of intellectual organizations founded along religious lines: the Indonesian Christian Intellectual Association (PIKI), Indonesian Muslim Intellectual Bond (ICMi), Association of Catholic Scholars (ISKA), Association of Buddhist Intellectuals (ICB), and Hindu Intellectual Group. A Nationalist Intellectual Association is also being organized.

What seems to be happening in Indonesia is d come-back of old politics—one that grows out of sectarian lines.

 

Understanding the Pancasila

As mentioned earlier, at the outset of Indonesia's independence the Pancasila was developed to undergird the country's nationhood. It was designed to unite the country's various religious, ethnic, and ideological motivations. Indonesia once had the strongest communist party outside China and Russia.

At that time, the prevailing question was "how can the people of different ethnic, religious, and ideological backgrounds relate to each other?"

Three schools of thought were major players during the struggle for Indonesia's independence from the Dutch colonial rulers. These were: an exclusive nationalism of traditional Javanese origin, a religious ideology in Islam, and Marxism-Socialism. Since the country did not have any historic precedence as an independent nation, proponents of the ideologies were trying to dominate each other.

Sukarno, the first president of the republic, then attempted to put all these ideologies together in the framework of the Pancasila.

Using this framework, Sukarno guaranteed a place for each ideology. The Pancasila provided a backdrop by which these ideologies can relate with each other as the people pursue independence and nationhood.

To understand Pancasila better, one has to look at it as a 'transformational' ideology. For Indonesia this meant an approach that understood and developed the different ideologies in its second naiveté. The first naïveté perceived the ideologies as they were originally developed, while the second one studied and developed them in Indonesia's context. Take for example Islam. Studying it in its first naiveté, leads to a perception that it is the politico-religious ideology of Saudi Arabia. However, in its second naïveté, Islam [in Indonesia] was understood and developed from a context where Hinduism, Buddhism, Christianity, Socialism, and nationalism were also strong. This meant that it should become an Islam that tolerated other religions and ideologies. To have ignored this context would lead to a conflict of religious interest and a possible disintegration of the nation (e.g., Bosnia Herzegovina). It thus required transformation.

Another basic problem in understanding the Pancasila is the way the first principle— "Belief in One and Only God"—is interpreted. For the founders of Indonesia, this principle was the nation's ethical basis. However, their problem was from what religious perspective' would the principle be understood? Would it be Islam, since the majority of the people are Muslims? What about people of other faiths? What about non-believers?

In the process of Indonesian Independence, the Muslim community proposed a philosophical frame for the state. Widely known as the "Jakarta Charter," the framework was Islamic in nature. It defined the first

 

 

The Pancasila

Belief in One and Only God

A Just and Civilized Society

The Unity of Indonesia

Peoplehood Guarded by the Spirit of Wisdom in Deliberation/Representation

Social Justice to All People of Indonesia

Ideological Root

Islam

Marxism-Socialism

Nationalism

 

Marxism-Socialism

Marxism-Socialism

 

 

principle as "Lordship, with the obligation to carry out Islamic law to its adherents." This interpretation was likewise reflected in the draft preamble of the constitution. In addition, a draft Declaration of Indonesian Independence promoted old Indonesian societal ideas (i.e., Srivijaya Kingdom of South Sumatera or Majapahit Kingdom of East Java), and the influence of the Greater East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere concept in Indonesia's independence struggle. However, strong objections from the youth to the "restrictive" formulation of the charter, the independence declaration, and the preamble forced the founders to draft new versions. In these 'new' versions, the spirit of the first principle became interpreted as the "Lord of the Indonesian people who made that confession." Since then, the Indonesian people understood their religiosity from an inclusive perspective—open to people of different faiths.

Thus. using the first principle, the people found a common ground for constructing an ethic for a multicultural society. In their plurality, the Indonesian people had a common base of existence: confessing the same Lord, then striving to live-out the other virtues of Pancasila.

 

Churches' Role in Indonesian Society

What is the role of Christian churches in Indonesia today? Can the 'transformation' perspective influence the theology of the churches?

There are two reasons for recommending a development of a "transformation theology."

First, is the [religious] equality which Indonesia promises. If the phenomenon of the country is perceived in the perspective of 'transformation,' any tendency to treat certain religions as special will be against the nature of Indonesia. Therefore, certain religious ideas, even that of the majoritya should not be allowed to dominate. In Indonesia, there are two majorities but of different roots: Islam, in terms of religion, and Javanese, in ethnicity. Javanese are not necessarily Muslims. Moreover, the constitution guarantees the right of every citizen to equal treatment of the law. As such, although Indonesia is a democratic state, it promotes a 'consensus democracy'— a democracy protecting the minority from the majority.

The second reason comes from theological and experiential bases. As an indigenous Christian, I found the fulfillment of my Christianity in Indonesia's nationhood. Having been a Christian under Dutch rule, I realized that their version of Christianity did not provide me full human equality when compared to my Dutch (Christian] brothers and sisters. While we (Dutch and Indonesians alike) were 'saved' through our confession of the Lordship and saving grace of Christ, the reality of Dutch rule promoted discrimination against local people. In social and political life, there were certain posts restricted to Dutch nationals. In this sense, while we had the same salvific experience, we did not have the equal opportunity to live as human beings. What did our Christian humanity mean in that experience? What is the meaning of Christian salvation? Had we been saved, totally?

From my point of view and experience, we will still be unequally treated if not for the independence. Indonesia's independence, in this perspective, provides the fulfillment of the salvific work of God in Jesus Christ—which the Dutch preached as well. Therefore, the phrase "by the mercy and grace of the Lord Almighty" in the preamble, is a strong theological statement. Understanding it from an Indonesian premise would mean that my faith in the liberating work of Christ requires me to become involved in the social and political life of Indonesia, not just because I am an Indonesian citizen but more so since I am a Christian. I am called to witness and enhance the salvific work of God, that started with the independence, in my daily life. This means the enhancement of equality, justice, freedom, protection of human rights, etc.

In forming the Council of Churches in Indonesia (DGI) in 1950, now called the Communion of Churches in Indonesia (PGI), the churches made the right decision toward developing this theological perspective of 'transformation.' Looking at the history of the formation of DGI with its objective of evolving one Christian church, it implies that such a move contributed to the promotion of a high level of unity among the various churches. This was unique since the churches in Indonesia were basically ethnic churches and not necessarily denominational in character. Thus, by demonstrating their unity in a time when the country was in search of its identity, the Christian churches contributed very meaningfully to the development of Indonesian society.

Being a minority in a multicultural society, the Christian churches also contributed to the dynamism of Indonesia. In on age where democracy usually dictates that the majority interest should supersede the minority, the Indonesian case is unique. In fact, there are very few cases in modern history where neither a majority religion nor a majority ethnic group becomes predominant in state rule. While our modern world promotes the dominance of either ethnicity or religiosity, or both, the 'Indonesian case' avoids that. In this context, the Christian churches have a unique calling, that is, enabling Indonesia to prevent itself from falling into that kind of tendency.

To do so, the churches in Indonesia started among themselves. The formation of one Christian church required a 'transformational' attitude among the churches. !n a time when the nation is wondering about the kind of unify befitting Indonesia, the Christian churches promoted and tivedout the idea of unity in their diversity. This meant that the churches deliberately looked over their ethnic and religious differences to promote a common understanding of their faith, and 'serve the Lord meaningfully' in the context of Indonesia's reality.

It is from this perspective that I am calling to the Christian churches in Indonesia, especially the members of PGI, to again proclaim their unity. Indonesia can easily fall back into the kind of sectarianism it had during the stage of its initial nationhood. If this occurs, the significance of Indonesia will disappear.