98

 

KEYNOTE ADDRESS

 

THE STRUGGLE FOR SELF-RELIANCE IN ASIA TODAY

 

DR. MATHEW KURIEN

Director, Indian School of Social Sciences

Trivandrum, INDIA.

 

The economies of most Asian countries are passing through, possibly, the worst ever crisis in their post-independence history. The crisis is manifested through such serious contradictions as the following:

i)    increasing poverty for the vast majority of the people along with the affluence for the few and concentration of economic wealth and power in the hands of a small number of industrial monopoly houses and landlords;

ii)    mounting of unemployment despite massive doses of investment outlays under the development plans;

iii)   inflationary rise in prices which transfer value from the working people to owners, black marketeers and black money operators;

iv)   increasing dependence on foreign private capital and foreign collaboration agreements with imperialist countries and multinational corporations along with claims of "self-reliance";

v)    quantitative expansion in education, along with the increase of number of illiteracies;

vi)   increase in industrial output and profits, while real wages of workers stagnate or decline;

vii)  the increasing need for involving working people in developmental activities of the grass-roots level, but the character of State power and polity remain authoritarian and militarist, leading to suppresion of freedom and basic civil rights.

While the ruling classes are pursuing their policies of oppression and dominance, different sections of the people are becoming socially aware and are trying to affirm their rights for self-determination and self-reliance.

 

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Different Concepts of 'Self-Reliance'

Possibly one of the "sophisticated" official expositions of "self-reliance" is contained in the documents of the Government of India and their Planning Commission. The Approach Document of India's Fifth Five Year Plan states in the opening paragraph that "Removal of poverty and attainment of economic self-reliance are the two major tasks which the country has set out to accomplish". The document proclaims its concern for reducing India's dependence on foreign aid. This concern, of course, developed against the backdrop (j/f the staggering international debt and service obligations. On April 1, 1972, the total foreign debt outstanding against the government of India (excluding loans payable in rupees) stood at Rs. 6,602 crores. While the government of India was cheerfully contracting foreign debts for moving along the capitalist path of development, debt servicing obligations were mounting. The burden of debt servicing by way of interest payments and repayment of principal assumed menacing proportions (see Table 1).

 

Table 1:     INDIA'S DEBT SERVICING OBLIGATIONS (Rupees crores)

 

Period

Repayment of principal

Interest payments

Total Debt Servicing

First Plan

Second Plan

Third Plan

1966-67

1967-68

1968-69

1969-70

1970-71

1971-72

1972-73

1973-74

1974-75

1975-76

(Estimates)

10.5

55.2

305.6

159.7

210.7

236.2

358.5

289.5

299.9

327.0

399.9

411.0

470.0

13.3

64.2

237.0

114.8

122.3

138.8

144.0

160.5

180.0

180.4

195.9

215.0

230.0

23.8

119.4

542.6

274.5

333.0

375.0

412.5

450.0

479.3

507.4

595.8

626.0

700.0

 

SOURCE: Government of India, Economic Survey, 1975-76, p.119

 

During the last 26 years since independence, the Government of India permitted over 3600 foreign collaboration agreements. Such collaborations are being permitted even in such non-priority sectors as toothpaste, tennis balls and ladies' undergarments.

Private foreign capital in India has grown from Rs. 256 crores in 1948 to over Rs. 1,400 crores by now. The total external assistance received by India both from foreign governments and international agencies, is shown in Table 2.

 

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Table 2:     EXTERNAL ASSISTANCE UTILISED BY INDIA

 

Period

Rupees crores

Up to the end of Third Plan

1966-67

1967-68

1968-69

1969-70

1970-71

1971-72

1972-73

1973-74

1974-75

4,508.8

1,131.4

1,195.6

902.6

856.3

791.4

834.1

666.2

999.3

1,337.4

Total

13,223.1

 

SOURCE: Government of India, Economic Survey, 1975-76, p. 110

 

India is paying a heavy price for its collaborations with capitalist countries. Boilers installed with foreign collaboration have burst; generators go out of action! Sudden stoppage of production takes place in fertiliser factories. An atomic plant with foreign collaboration had to be closed suddenly!

The Fifth Plan Document of India has defined the problem of "self reliance" in terms of "net-zero aid", thereby assuming the problem away. In fact, during the Fifth Plan period, India would require additional foreign aid of about Rs. 3,000 crores. There will be a heavy debt obligation during the Fifth Plan in addition to the heavy commitments for maintenance imports, estimated at 80% of total estimated imports. To cover up the actual additional foreign aid inflow in gross terms, they have deducted the outpayments for repayments and interest obligations to arrive at "net aid". It is obvious that this is a fraud, a concept meant only to cloud the real issue.

There is a more vicious aspect to this tall official talk of "self reliance". The slogan (defined in terms of government-to-government aid) is being used as a cover for increasing the dependence of the Indian economy on foreign capital from private sources abroad, for an open-door policy with respect to private foreign capital and collaboration agreements.

Real self-reliance in Asia can be understood only in terms of colonial, anti-imperialist heritage of the peoples of Asia, and in terms of their quest and struggle for social justice and radical self-affirmation. Real self-reliance in Asia implies "a struggle for confidence and dignity of Asians to determine their own priorities and destiny without interference from others. It is a struggle to free Asia"1. It is a struggle against domination from all exploitative oppressive power structures both indigenous and foreign. It is based on the affirmation of the faith in the working people's innate ability

 

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to mould their own destiny. At the same time it does not preclude the need for fraternity and mutual help between oppressed peoples all over the world against their common enemies — imperialism, neo-colonialism and the false cultural values which international capitalism propagates. Self-reliance in economics, politics and culture, thus, can be sustained only by an intense desire to share the experiences of the toiling people struggling for social justice, a struggle which focusses attention on the improvement of the material and cultural life of the vast majority of the people in each country, through the wielding of political power by the people after destroying the oppressive power of the few.

 

Colonialism, Neo-colonialism and the Struggle for Self-Reliance

Though colonialism in its overt form ended in Asia, its roots are lying deep. Imperialism and neo-colonialism continue to operate in covert or disguised forms. The new methods used by them are subtle and cover all aspects of life.

Neo-colonialism refers to the covert forms of dominance exercised by the ex-colonial and imperialist powers - an indirect version of colonialism wherein "the metropolitan power exercises control within the context of the nominal independence of the people affected rather than by an outright colonial administration imposed on them." 2

The rise and fall of colonialism in Asia have to be studied in terms of the specific features of each region or country. The transformation of the Malayan States into a number of British colonies during the second half of the nineteenth century3, and the independence granted to the Malayan Government on the basis of an acceptance of the traditional economic relationship with the United Kingdom form a familiar .pattern. Even in countries where the revolutionary class participated actively in the national movement for independence, the colonial government took great care to ensure that power was transferred only to a combination of dominant classes on whom they could rely at least partially in the post-independence period No wonder that in 1969, that is 20 years after independence, foreign private companies were controlling 62.1% of the total share capital in companies in Malaysia. 4

In the Philippines where the national movement succeeded in destroying Spanish control over Luzon, the United States of America established their absolute hegemonistic control through "occupation: following the Spanish-American War, and during the Presidency of William McKinley Though formal power was transferred to local people, American business men had reached a deal with the United States Government to help them re-establish favourable relationships. The Bell Trade Act and the Philippines Rehabilitation Act passed by Congress were the products of the private monopoly lobbies in the USA.

By 1970 the Philippines had a total foreign debt of 1.96 billion US dollars to be repaid to about 25 governments and international institutions. If the rescheduling of the debt had not occurred, the Philippines would have paid 480 million US$ by way of interest and amortization in 1970, accounting

 

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for 33% of the estimated earnings from exports of commodities and services." 5

India, Indonesia and China which had more advance material cultures than Europe in the 17th century6 were relegated to a backward situation through imperialist rule.

"Consequent plunder, forced labor, taxation and enforced specialisation in an export monoculture reversed the relative position; and Asia was progressively reduced to under-development." 7

The total wealth transferred from India by British imperialism has been variously estimated at between £500 million and £1,000 million. The fantastic material contributions (deprivations) made by the ex-colonial underdeveloped part of this world to the coffers of the colonial or imperialist countries at different periods of time should be calculated with "compound interest" to arrive at a fair value in today's terms. 8

It is true that the dominance of the developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America in the United Nations has introduced a growing concern about the needs of the developing countries. However, official policies of the United Nations regarding international private capital flows transfer of technology and so on are basically guided by capitalist values. The 'soft corner' for private foreign capital is prompted by the compulsions of capitalist-landlord governments in the underdeveloped world who have failed to raise domestic savings to the desired minimum levels. The International Development Strategy enunciated by the UN, called for an increase in domestic savings of 0.5% per annum. This was considered necessary for raising the domestic savings ratios to about 20% or more by the end of the Development Decade.

The actual experience in raising domestic savings has, however, been disappointing. In the late 1960's savings as a proportion of GNP did not show any noticeable increase; in fact, it declined from 17.8% in 1965 to 17.2% in 1970. There was a slight improvement in 1971 and 1972 to 18.5%; the efforts of most Asian countries in raiding domestic savings have been infructuous.

The dependence of some of the Asian countries for so-called developmental assistance poses a serious threat to their economic independence and self-reliance. In the case of-Indonesia, for example, 40.3% of official international assistance in 1970 was from USA. The Philippines relied on USA for 34.9% of total external assistance. Sri Lanka and Singapore depended upon the United Kingdom for 21.4% and 39.4% respectively. The assistance received by Sri Lanka from USA in the same year was 20.7% of the total assistance received by them from official sources abroad (see Table 3).

Despite various appeals by world bodies to the developed capitalist countries to soften the terms and conditions of loans advanced by them to the underdeveloped countries, no tangible results have been forthcoming.9

 

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Table 3:       MAJOR SOURCES AND FORMS OF OFFICIAL DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE FROM 1970

 

Country

Official Development Assistance

Donors providing 10% or more of total official development assistance (by percentages).

 

Bilateral

($ million)

Multilateral

Total

Indonesia

499.05

12.40

461.45

Japan

27.3

Netherlands

10.5

USA

40.3

Philippines

41.30

13.11

54.41

Japan

35.3

USA

34.9

IBRD

19.2

Singapore

26.76

2137

4813

Japan

11.9

UK

34.9

IBRD

40.4

Sri Lanka

43.31

5.00

48.31

Canada

17.5

West Germany

11.4

UK

21.4

USA

20.7

 

SOURCE:   UNITED NATIONS, Developing Island Countries, 1974, p.38. Table 12

 

Moreover, the imperialist countries have been putting a very heavy burden of the underdeveloped recipient countries, in terms of exorbitant payments for the so-called "transfer of technology" — payments for patents, licences, know-how, trade-marks and managerial technical services. Such payments made by the ESCAP countries in 1968 amounted to 1.5 billion US$. On the basis of past trends, it has been estimated that the direct costs of "transfer technology" to these countries during 1970s will increase by 20% per annum. 10

In direct contrast is the beneficial terms and conditions of aid from the socialist countries. The cumulative money value of bilateral aid commitments made by USSR to the ESCAP countries during 1954-70 is estimated at 6.6 billion US$ and that from the East European countries at 3.6 billion US$ equivalent. 11 Aid from the socialist countries is strongly project-oriented and is utilised mainly for strengthening the key productive sectors, particularly in the public industrial sector, of the developing economies. As the UN has admitted in one of its reports:

"The bulk of the USSR and East European countries' assistance to developing countries is extended in the form of Government long-term development loan, usually at 2.5% interest with maturity of 10 to 15 years. Grace periods vary according to the nature of the project financed." 12

All the costs of colonialism and imperialist "aid" cannot be quantified. Some have to be assessed in terms of deprivation of health, education and in terms of cultural domination. Eduardo de Sousa Ferreira stresses the need for understanding the problems of decolonisation and the cost of colonisation in the scientific, educational and cultural fields. 13

A lot of classified information by US Government agencies is

 

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collected through social scientists, anthropologists and other scientists. 14 It was not accidental that there was "a great increase of research interest in poverty stricken and minority group areas of Thailand since the beginning of guerilla activity there." 15 The imperialist designs of Project Camelot is now fairly known — a project in which social scientists and anthropologists were asked to undertake studies to make . . .

"...it possible to predict and influence politically significant aspects of social change in the developing nations of the world. .. the US Army has an important mission in the positive and constructive aspects of nation-building in less developed countries as well as a responsibility to assist friendly governments dealing with active insurgency problem." 16

US imperialism — both government agencies and multi-national corporations — also function indirectly through apparently non-governmental institutions such as the National Science Foundation (NSF), National Institute for Mental Health, Ford, Carnegie and Rockefeller Foundations, etc. The Academy of Administrative Studies in Sri Lanka which trains administrators in development administration under foreign expertise, uses materials based on administrative experience of Thailand, South Korea, Taiwan and Pakistan. 17 The government of India gave sanction to the Indian Council of Medical Research in collaboration with the WHO organisation to conduct medical research on the "genetic control of mosquitoes". It turned out that the WHO had, in turn, a secret understanding with the US Defence Department. Obviously, the apparent innocent study of mosquitoes in India had significant military implications, particularly in the backdrop of the immense destructive power of germ warfare capabilities of the Pentagon.

How apparently innocuous small beginnings in financial and technical support by USA to military governments in Asia can end in disaster can be seen from the experience of the Vietnam War. From 1961 when the first US military advisors were sent to Vietnam to 1965 when a full escalation of US military involvement came about, many observers did not see how dangerous the implications of the first involvement were. American monopoly companies apparently did not play a front line role. But "there is no doubt that they were interested parties. In fact, the US Government appealed to foreign investors to assist in Vietnamisation, on grounds that saving the Thieu Government would keep it within the Western economic network"18

After the stunning defeat of American imperialism in Indochina, Thailand remains the major outpost of US war apparatus in South East Asia and the "linch pin of continuing US involvement in Indochina." 19 The image of the Thai ruling classes has been blackened by their American connections.

The most significant development in the post-Vietnam war period is the emergence of Japan as an integral part of the US military war machine in Asia. As the US makes agonising reappraisals of its position in Asia, Japan has been prompted to get involved in the US global strategy and future military participation in confrontation with other Asian countries. Japan is expected to cover South Korea's territorial sky with its Air-Self-Defence

 

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Force. The Nixon Doctrine also calls for greater Japanese and European involvement with men and materials to fight Asian Wars.

The relationship between USA and Japan is not entirely based on love. Japan is getting involved in US Defence strategy in Asia in a bigger way at the wrong time when US imperialism has had its crushing defeat in Indochina and with increased "economic dependence on recession-torn US economy." 20

Integration of economic policy roles of USA and Japan is not new. For more than a decade now, Japan has been playing the assigned role of supplier of capital and technology to other Asian countries, US economic strategy being the promotion of Japan as the "Asian" country trying to marry its scarce capital resources with the abundant cheap labour of "fellow Asian" countries. US imperialism has maneouvered to get indirect entry, in addition to open involvement, into Asian countries via Japan. In the realm of export trade, the Japanese Ministry of Trade and Industry expects Japan to control 40-45% of Asian exports by 1980. 21

 

Poverty and Unemployment — The Struggle of Peasants and Workers

The problem of mass poverty and unemployment are two key questions in the underdeveloped countries in Asia. 22 Famines and starvation and deaths loom large over the peoples of Asia.

There is no agreed standard definition of poverty. Statistical method may not reveal much more than even a cursory visual or photographic view of poverty-stricken people in the Asian countries. Most people in Asia have seen such abject poverty, at levels of living worse than those of animals, that they have developed a kind of psychological defence mechanism, enabling them to be indifferent and blissfully oblivious of the actual reality. The legitimation involved in such a process of formation of social consciousness adds insult to injury.

According to the World Bank Statistics (if statistics have to be relied on after all) about 85% of the 750 million poor in the underdeveloped world are considered to be "in absolute poverty" — absolute poverty being defined arbitrarily on the basis of an annual per capita income of US$50 or less. Those having income above US$50 per capita/year, but below one-third of the national average, per capita income are defined as people under "relative poverty". (For detailed figures for 1969, see Tables 4 & 5).

The significant point to be noted is that more than 80% of the population in the underdeveloped countries considered to be in absolute or relative poverty, live in the rural areas. 23 Since the principal occupation of about 4/5 of the rural poor is agriculture, it is clear that the core problem of poverty is linked with the question of land and the mode and relations of production in agriculture.

 

 

 

Table 4:     ESTIMATES OF RELATIVE POVERTY IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES, 1969

 

 

 

Population in Poverty

Region

Population

Population with incomes below one-third of national average per capita income

Population with incomes below $50 per capita plus population with incomes below one-third of national average per capita income

Developing countries in

(millions)

 

 

Africa

America

Asia

Total

360

260

1,080

1,700

75

80

145

300

175

80

440

645

Share of Developing Countries in

 

(percentage)

 

Africa

America

Asia

21

15

64

25

25

48

19

19

68

Combined share relative to total population

100

18

38

 

SOURCE:   WORLD BANK, Rural Development, Sector Policy papers, February 1975 Annex 2

 

All available data about the agrarian situation in Asia show that the peasants, particularly the poor peasants, in most countries are facing ruination and getting more and more indebted to landlords and moneylenders. Many of them get alienated from their land and join the ranks of landless agricultural workers. The land percentage of landless workers to active population in agriculture is 32 in India, 20 in Indonesia and 29 in Pakistan (For details see table 6). The agonising fact is that the number of landless or near-landless workers is growing in the Asian countries, with consequent decline in the average number of days of work available to them in a year, apart from its dampening effect on the level of agricultural wages. Since they have to depend on seasonal work, part of which is being taken away by tractorisation or mechanisation implicit in the so-called "Green Revolution" strategy, landless labourers are among the poorest of the working community. The ruination and decay of traditional rural industries, handicrafts and cottage-level production and so on have accentuated the level of poverty in the rural areas.

Thailand can be taken as a case study. With increase in population and consequent pressures on land, there has been a process of fragmentation of holdings and increasing indebtedness. As rice production became more and more commercialised and as the government started introducing restrictive laws regarding acquisition and registration of land, many ordinary peasants have been alienated from their land. In the village of Banoi in the central plains, about 60% of rural families are in the category of landless labourers,

 

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Table 5:     ESTIMATES OF TOTAL POPULATION AND RURAL POPULATION IN POVERTY IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES, 1969

 

Region

Population

1969

Total population in poverty

Rural population in poverty

Below $50 per capita (1)

Below $75 per capita (1)

Below $50 per capita (1)

Below $75 per capita (1)

Developing countries in

(millions)

Africa

America

Asia

Total

360

260

1,080

1,700

115

30

415

560

165

50

620

835

105

20

355

480

140

30

525

695

Four Asian countries (2)

765

350

510

295

435

Other countries

935

210

325

185

260

Share of developing countries in

(percentage)

Africa

America

Asia

21

15

64

21

5

74

20

6

74

22

4

74

20

4

76

Combined share relative to total population

100

33

49

28

41

Share of four Asian countries (2)

45

63

61

62

63

(1) At 1969 prices.

(2) Bangladesh, India, Indonesia, Pakistan.

 

SOURCE:   WORLD BANK, Rural Development, Sector Policy Papers, February 1975; Annex I

 

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compared to 36% way back in 1930.24 Traditional squatting has become increasingly difficult in view of the new restrictions and land laws. Some studies indicate that the practice of tenancy has increased in Thailand, particularly in the central plains. 25 About 21% of the agriculturists' loans in the North, 31% in the North-east and 66% in the central plains are reported to be borrowed from money-lenders at "staggering" rates of interest. 26

 

Table 6: LANDLESS FARM WORKERS IN SELECTED COUNTRIES IN ASIA

 

Country

Number of landless workers (thousands)

Landless workers as a percentage of active population in agriculture

Active agricultural population as percentage of total active population

India

Indonesia

Pakistan*

47,300

5,673

8,013

32

20

29

68

70

70

Total

60,986

30

68

 

* Includes population now belonging to Bangladesh

SOURCE:   WORLD BANK, Rural Development, Sector Policy Papers, February 1975, Annex 4

 

The food crisis in Asia is closely linked with the struggle for self-reliance. The consequence of food shortages in Asian region is the increasing dependency of the subsistence population of this region upon the imperialist nations, particularly the USA for food supplies. 27 The dependency rate has steadily increased as the market share of USA in world food exports increased from 36.8% to 43.5% in the case of wheat between 1971 and 1972-73, and from 23% to 26% in the case of rice during the same period. The rest of the world is getting more dependent on the USA for animal feed grain and oilseeds as well. About half of the food exports of USA are directed towards the target markets in the "Third World". The political significance of the growing stranglehold of American imperialism over food supplies of the under-developed countries in Asia can be gauged from the frank statement of the US Secretary Agriculture, Earl Butz:

"...before people can do anything they have got to eat. And if you are looking for a way to get people to lean on you and to be dependent on you, in terms of their co-operation with you, it seems to me that food dependence would be terrific..." 28

In the perception of world power by US imperialism, "Food is power". 29

The spectre of unemployment haunts the youth of Asian nations and millions in the upper age groups of the working population. The so-called "crash-programmes" initiated by some governments in Asia for gainful employment have themselves crashed. Paying pittance for a full day's toil, these governments are diverting the anger of the wretched from breaking out into struggles and militant action. Here again, the contractors, bureaucrats, and the landlord classes, more than anybody else, are the beneficiaries

 

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of the "crash programmes", which have been described sometimes as 'relief works for the rich'. (For data on unemployment in selected countries, see Table 7)

One of the "fondly-held economic theories" is that economic growth is followed by increasing unemployment. How fallacious such a theory can be is demonstrated by the experience of practically both developing and developed.

 

Table 7:     UNEMPLOYMENT IN SOME ECAFE COUNTRIES

 

Country

Period

Rate of Unemployment

(Percentage)

Total

Rural

Urban

India

Indonesia

Malaysia

Philippines

Republic of Korea

Singapore

Sri Lanka

Thailand

July 1964 – June 1965

Nov 1964 – Feb 1965

1967 – 1968

October 1968

1963

1966

1969 – 1970

July – September 1969

-

2.3

6.8

7.9

8.1

9.1

13.

0.2

4.4

2.0

5.4

7.4

2.9

-

13.9

0.1

3.5

5.1

9.9

9.0

16.4

-

17.3

1.2

 

SOURCE:   UNITED NATIONS, Economic Survey of Asia and the Far East 1973, p.21

 

Government spokesmen in many Asian countries have made pathetic attempt to explain away the massive inflationary spiral by describing it as a "global phenomenon" or "phasing-phase". The fact is that the incidence and depth of mass poverty increased due to a steep rise in prices, particularly food prices. (For details in "consumer price indices in some Asian countries, see Table 8).

It is increasingly clear, however, that the staggering problem of price rise cannot be diagnosed without examining the basic elements in the economic policies pursued by the Governments resulting in decline in industrial growth rates, substantial unutilised capacity, imbalances created by the so-called green revolution, mounting burdens of an inequitous tax policy, deficit financing, wasteful public expenditure, growth of monopolies, increasing foreign collaborations in even non-essential commodities, highhanded operations of hoarders, speculators and black-marketeers, inefficiency of the public distribution system and the black money economy operating alongside the open economy, are some of the deeper causes for this malady.

Industrial workers have had a raw deal. While the net output per worker in India, for example, increased by 49.5% in 1969 compared to 1949 wages, increased by only 24.5%. The increase in share of the income created by workers has been amassed by the owners of big property (for data regarding decline in the rate of change in real wages, see Table 9).

 

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The low level of incomes of the rural and urban poor results in low intake of calories particularly proteins, leading to the perpetuation and widening of the vicious circle of low incomes — low consumption — lower capacities for work — lower income — and so on. In Sri Lanka people in the rural areas had a total daily calorie intake per capita (1961-1966) of only 1,864 while the upper classes in Colombo (1957) had an intake of 3,271 calories per day per capita. A study in Maharashtra, India, showed that in 1958 about 23% of the families with incomes below Rs. 11 per capita had a daily calorie intake of 1,340 per capita. In the case.of 39.1% of the families with per capita incomes of Rs. 34 and above the daily intake was 3,340 calories per capita. (See table 10). The most effective way of attacking mass poverty in the rural areas is to change the unequal ownership in land by taking away the land of the landlords and distributing them to the poor peasants and agricultural labourers.

 

Table 8:     PERCENTAGE RATES OF CHANGE IN CONSUMER PRICE INDICES

 

Country

Annual compound rate of growth

1967

1973

Hongkong

India

Indonesia (Djakarta)

Laos (Vientiane)

Malaysia (West)

Pakistan (Karachi)

Philippines (Manila)

Republic of Vietnam (Saigon)

Singapore

Sri Lanka (Colombo)

Thailand (Bangkok)

-

7.2

-

-

1.0

3.4

4.5

19.5

1.4

2.0

2.2

5.7

13.9

169.5

7.9

4.2

6.9

5.7

43.8

3.

2.2

4.0

11.2

15.9

33.9

26.1

-

18.4

3.5

33.9

23.7

8.7

12.1

 

SOURCE:    UNITED NATIONS, Monthly Bulletin of Statistics, November 1973, and the Central Bank of the Philippines.

 

Table 9:     SELECTED DEVELOPING ECAFE COUNTRIES: INCREASE IN MONEY AND REAL WAGES IN MANUFACTURING INDUSTRY, 1963-1966 AND 1966-1969

 

Country

Pay period

Wages:

Increase 1963-1966 (%)

Increase 1966-1969 (%)

Money

Real

Money

Real

India

Republic of Korea

Pakistan

Philippines

Singapore

Sri Lanka

Thailand

Monthly

 

 

 

 

Hourly

Daily

Hourly

27.2

 

70.4

21.5

15.5

-1.1

9.3

-6.3

-7.4

 

4.1

3.0

-13.5

-4.8

5.9

-12.3

21.4

 

108.0

1.4*

11.1

5.5

12.2

20.2

-4.9

 

50.7

-5.3

0.7

1.7

-3.5

10.8

 

SOURCE:   UNITED NATIONS, Monthly Bulletin of Statistics, November 1973, and the Central Bank of the Philippines.

 

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Table 10:    NUTRITION LEVELS BY INCOME CLASS

 

 

Percentage of families

Daily caloric intake per capita

Daily protein intake (gm/capita)

Total protein

Animal protein

Sri Lanka

Rural (1961-66)

Upper class in Colombo (1957)

India

Maharastra State

Expenditure per capita (rupees)

Urban and Rural Areas

0 – 11

11 – 18

18 – 24

34 and over

Total average

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

21.3

18.9

20.7

39.1

 

1,864

 

3,271

 

 

 

 

 

1,340

2,020

2,485

3,340

2,100

 

44.0

 

84.0

 

 

 

 

 

37.9

56.6

69.0

59.7

59.7

8.9

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1.4

2.6

6.6

11.9

4.5

 

 

SOURCE:   WORLD BANK, Rural Development, Sector Policy Papers, February 1975, Annex 5.

 

Development Strategies and the Need for Liberation

The non-socialist Asian countries, being part of the international capitalist system, are governed by laws of motion characteristic of the capitalist countries with the important qualification that the capitalist mode of production still remains super-imposed on feudal, semi-feudal, tribal and other pre-capitalist formations.

Despite international effort to raise the level of incomes and the rate of savings and investments in the underdeveloped part of the capitalist world, under the auspices of the various agencies of the UN, the gap in the level of development between developed and underdeveloped countries is widening.

"Thus during the period 1970-73 the annual rate of growth of total real product for the least developed countries as a group averaged 3.3%, compared with 5.7% for all developing countries. This is similar to the pattern observed for the decade 196070."31

In 1975 the Committee for Development Planning to the UN was called up to assess the development situation in the light of: a) the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade, and b) the Programme for Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order. The Committee admitted that "the performance

 

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was also bad in vital respects, and the implementation of the International Development Strategy was very disappointing;" 32 "no real inroads were made on the key problems of mass poverty and unemployment." 33

Apart from the lack of adequate industrial development, agriculture which is the mainstay of the vast majority of the population remains feudal and semi-feudal, although in many parts of Asia capitalist farming is expanding.

Land monopoly and tenancies restrict the possibilities of unleashing the productive energies of the peasantry ... The life of the vast majority of people in the rural areas is made unbearable by the utter lack of minimum facilities such as drinking water, health and sanitation, apart from the elementary needs of food and shelter.

"Green Revolution" and other technological innovations have not made any noticeable change in the living standards of the rural masses ... The lesson to be drawn from the failure of the "New Agricultural Strategy" designed with the blessings of American experts is that it does not pose the central problem of agriculture — the problem of ownership of land, production relations and radical land reforms. Only through a consistent struggle of peasants and agricultural labour can present fetters on the agricultural sector, namely feudalism, semi-feudalism and land monopoly, be abolished and the productive forces unleashed.

The recent development in the international monetary system, the virtual collapse of the Almighty US Dollar and its supremacy in the world, the demise of Bretton Wood's System of international .currency, the ever increasing inflationary spiral in Asian countries and the rest of the world, the increasing cost structure of export products, resulting from inflation and unutilised capacity, have all led to a situation in which all the hopes of most of Asian Governments for a continuous and substantial stepping up of the growth rate in exports have been shattered.

Private foreign sector still continues to have a substantial control over the foreign trade of most of Asian countries, both exports and imports. Three important factors are responsible for this development. First, the foreign firms which are either subsidiaries or branches of parent companies abroad have intimate connections with export markets. The worldwide connections of the parent companies are directly utilised to the advantage of the subsidiary companies and branch firms. The already established export outlets of the parent companies give a definite superior advantage to the foreign firms as compared to the indigenous firms in Asia. Secondly, the growth of monopoly power in the foreign sector and the organisation of industrial and trade associations among foreign companies have further strengthened the power of foreign firms to keep off local industries from a considerable portion of the countries' export trade. Thirdly, the products in which foreign investors have come to specialise in Asia are mostly those which can command an increasing demand in the world market.

The term 'industrialisation' has been used by many as a synonym for development or modernisation. 34 There is a danger in this understanding or misunderstanding. It is true that rising consumption above the subsistence level needs the products of industry, and traditional societies can move

 

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forward only by adopting more modem modes of production. To put it differently, in most of Asian societies, the Western capitalist pattern of industrialisation will create new and overwhelming problems.

Industrialisation which was the centerpiece of the development process has recently come under a cloud. The relative neglect of agriculture in the underdeveloped countries, in the name of industrialisation, growing unemployment and poverty, widening gap in urban-rural and class-wise dangers of pollution, and so on have compelled the planners of many underdeveloped countries to move away from the Western concept of industrialisation and to re-order more "people-oriented-set of priorities for development planning".35

Even the protagonists of "people-oriented" development strategies in the UN and other international agencies talk of industrialisation as a general category without specifying it with relation to different socio-economic and political formulations. They do admit that "this does not mean that one pattern of industrialisation can be prescribed for all countries, regardless of their size, location, preferences or other characteristics, or that one brand of industrial strategy is appropriate for all development stages." 36 But they do not make explicit the nexus with the pattern of industrialisation and sociopolitical power structures in the various countries.

 

A Critique and an Alternative Approach to Development

The philosophy of planning which has guided the planning process in most of the Asian countries has been borrowed mainly from the Western capitalist countries, though the vocabulary of socialist planning has been cleverly used as political tactic by some countries.

One of the ingredients of Western philosophy of planning is the unquestioned presumption that planning is a purely "economic" phenomenon. Any discussion of socio-political phenomenon is invariably discounted as "politics", beyond the scope of discussion of the "planner" who is defined basically as an economist, an econometrician, a statistician or a technocrat.

Another ingredient of the Western philosophy of planning is, what may be called, the GNP-biased concept of economic growth or development. A given investment of resources is expected to produce a given capital-output ratio, capital-labour ratio, capital intensities, a broad picture of inter-industry balances, and a few other coefficients and relationships. Using a mathematical model, he feels confident to "plan" for the nation. Unfortunately this kind of philosophy has had a long lease of life both in the official and academic circles.

The bitter lessons which we have learnt during the last two decades tell us plainly that the above philosophy is not only too simplistic in its conception, but positively dangerous if it continues to lead us in development process.

Any alternative approach to planning and development, if it has to have any meaning to the vast masses of the working people, must-make a complete break with the above notions borrowed from the West. Firstly, we

 

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must accept the reality that "planning" and "development" are primarily political processes. Without a thorough grasp of this significance of political economy, involving the inter-relationships between socio-economic and political processes, and without an appreciation of the nature and growth of power structures in rural and urban centres, there can be no meaningful or effective planning in Asian countries.

The starting point of all exercises at planning should be to identify the nature and causes of the economic crisis in Asia. The basic questions to be posed in this connection are: Who controls the means of production and in whose interests? What is the pattern of distribution of value added between owners of property and those who work and create value? Which are- the classes or groups which stand in the way of the fuller utilisation of the existing productive forces and their continued expansion? Which are the social forces which must unite to remove these obstacles? These are the basic questions which anyone interested in "development" of the society — as "motion" in terms of history — should raise.

A detailed study of the power structure in India for example will show that there are three main obstacles to development. They are i) monopoly capitalist; ii) landlordism; and iii) imperialism and its various manifestations. It is also clear from such a study that if these three obstacles are to be removed, it is necessary to unite all other classes and groups of people, the workers, peasants, middle classes, intellectuals, students, youth, women, small and medium producers in industry, in short, all th.ose who are prepared to fight and defeat the three main obstacles. The identification of the major obstacles to development will have to be done separately for each Asian country and articulated in terms of history, heritage and cultural traditions and in a language understood by the masses of the people.

The commitment for "development" is, thus, a commitment for liberation which implies a complete change in the power structure. It is in this context that the struggle of the workers for need-based minimum wage and bonus for all, the struggle of the peasants for taking over of surplus land of landlords extra-legally and non-bureaucratically, by their organised strength, the struggle of the people for a complete change in the class character of state power, and so on become the central themes of developmental economics. It should be the endeavour of all those who subscribe to fhis concept of political economy to work out the details fully in the years to come.

 

Human Rights and Political Repression.

If poverty, unemployment and gross economic exploitation are the material realities of social life in most Asian countries, the most agonising fact of life is that a pernicious and all-pervading darkness has been shed on the people by governments which have given a go-by to parliamentary democracy, constitutionalism and rule of law. Suppression of human rights, political repression and authoritarian semi-fascist rule have become the order of the day. Possibly the most distressing fact is that similar tendencies which were only dormant in some countries with an apparent tradition of inherited parliamentary values have recently removed their camouflage and

 

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have decided to tread the path of political suppression of all dissent

Asia has an impressive array of authoritarian and military regimes South Korea had a military coup d’ etat in 1962. President Sukarno of Indonesia was overthrown in 1965 in a military operation which was accompanied by bloodbath and the massacre of thousands of revolutionaries and democrats. After the demise of democracy in Pakistan and the period of instability intermixed with successive military regimes, and the butchery of the people of Bangladesh fighting for liberation, the present civil government there has again relapsed into a tyrannical one. In the Philippines, after a spell of constitutional re-thinking, President Marcos declared Martial Law on 23 September 1972. A military regime was established in Thailand in 1972.* Taiwan had the misfortune of having a super-imposed, harsh military and police regime for 25 years. Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore, using the monopoly of power of his People's Action Party, imposed exceptional . laws violative of all norms of freedom and democracy. We witnessed in 1973 a sliding back from whatever modicum of democracy that existed in

Malaysia and Bangladesh.

The people of Asia rejoiced when the military puppet governments ill South Vietnam and Cambodia were ousted from their last hideouts in the two capitals in 1975. But, the fall of Thieu and Lon Nol, and along with them the humiliation of the U.S.A., did not mark the end of the dark forces of domestic repression. In fact, after the fall of the puppet regimes in South Vietnam and Cambodia, the dominant power cliques in South Korea, Philippines and Malaysia have unleashed harsher repressive irieasures in a desperate move to stem the tide of history. Now, India with its long "tradition of Parliamentary practice" has been placed in the galaxy of such power systems.

The authoritarian political rule of President Marcos in the Philippines is virtually the result of a coup, "a seizure of power (by using the armed forces to eliminate the mass media', the Supreme Court, and Congress from the national decison-making) sufficiently drastic to warrant use of the term coup to describe the event." 37 This came about the backdrop of increasing penetration of the Philippines economy by American private investments (50 of the 750 American corporations working in the Philippines in 1969 had 2 billion US$ of investments accounting for 42% of total equity of 1000 top companies), the Marcos government's policy of terror against the Muslim population of Mindanao "to make room for the expanding logging industry and other plantation interests", the rising tide of popular discontent against such policies, and the militant anti-imperialist struggles of the people against U.S. war in Vietnam and against American domination of the Philippines through private investments, official loans and grants.

Though a civilian government came to power in Pakistan, with the assumption of office by Bhutto, after a period of unstable and military regimes and "interludes of Martial Law"38, the country polity has deteriorated

 

_____________

* (Editor's Note: This military regime was toppled by the coalition of students-workers-citizens in 1973, but another military coup was staged m 6 October 1976.)

 

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beyond redemption. Eqbal Ahmed's prognosis is worth noting:

"We are witnessing the emergence of two clearly identifiable, seemingly hostile, but symbiotically linked trends — towards fascism and separatism. Of these, fascism is the more serious threat although separation is generally being viewed as the imminent danger".39

In most countries of Asia the freedom of the Press, freedom of expression and freedom to organise have been curbed. Draconian laws have been enacted to keep political opponents under detention for indefinite periods. Human rights of hundreds of thousands of patriots have been obliterated in the name of "National Emergency" and "Martial Law". Innocent people are subjected to threats, intimidation, arbitrary arrests and imprisonment without trial. Physical torture and use of third degree methods, reminiscent of Nazi concentration camps have become too common and ghastly. Kim Chi Ha is serving a life in prison for

"the crime of touching the ground with his two feet.. the crime of attempting to stand up despite his poverty-stricken status, the crime of wasting time in thinking, the crime of looking up at the sky without a feeling of shame, the crime of inhaling the air and expanding his thorax . . ." 40

Suppression of freedom takes overt and covert forms: this is apart from substantial regional variations. But certain common features can be discerned. Even in countries such as Pakistan, India and Sri Lanka where civilian governments are in the saddles of power, the real striking power of the army and police has increased significantly in recent years, thanks to significant escalations in budgetary allocations for the military and police. Another common feature is that the organised sections of the people, particularly the workers and in some cases militant groups of students and youth are the targets of attack. In South Korea and Taiwan all workers' organisations are banned. In Singapore and Malaysia organised trade unions have to become an appendage of the official governmental machinery of controlling the workers, if they have a legal existence. Moreover, the burdens of capitalist economic crisis are passed on to the workers in the form of higher workloads, reduced real incomes through inflationary financing, wage freeze, moratorium on strikes and virtual obliteration of all trade union rights won by the working class after years of bitter and prolonged struggle.

Yet another common denominator of the authoritarian and military regimes in Asia is that the main thrust of their political and coercive actions is towards curbing really leftist and radical groups. If 300,000 persons belonging to, or allegedly belonging to, the Communist Party were massacred in Indonesia in 1965, 41 today the attack is not limited to such groups. Even conscientious dissent from liberal and even bourgeois quarters is looked upon as potential threat to the power of the ruling groups.

This widening of the target has brought together people of various ideologies and religious faiths and non-political people who believe in the human values of self-respect, freedom and justice to come together in a wider fraternity.

 

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Liberating Education

A serious crisis looms over the educational system in most of Asia For example, after 28 years of independence less than one third of India's population is literate and the absolute number of illiterates has been on the increase. The limited number of children enrolled in schools (with the staggering fact that enrolment at the primary level has fallen this year) low educational standards particularly for economically underprivileged children serious difficulties in university education, growing army of unemployed youth — these are some of the symptoms of the crisis. In most of the Asian countries, the present educational system is unrelated to the needs of the people, divorced from the realities of life of the common men.

 

Quantitative Expansion

There has, undoubtedly, been a noticeable quantitative expansion of education. Enrolment at the primary level in 1965 was 60% in Sri Lanka, 66% in Hong Kong, 65% in the Philippines, 68% in Singapore and 53% in Malaysia (West). Countries which recorded lower percentages were Afghanistan (11), Burma (34), India (40), Indonesia (45), Nepal (15), Pakistan (21) and Thailand (48). Enrolment at the secondary level also witnessed regional variations as can be seen from Table II.

 

Table 11:    ENROLMENT IN PRIMARY AND SECONDARY LEVELS (1965)

 

Countries

Primary level

Secondary level

Afghanistan

11

4

Burma

34

22

Sri Lanka

60

78

Hongkong

66

57

India

40

34

Indonesia

45

17

Malaysia (West)

53

44

Nepal

15

6

Pakistan

21

24

Philippines

65

31

Singapore

68

68

Thailand

48

12

 

SOURCE:   UNITED NATIONS, World Economic Survey, 1969-70, pp.207-281 Table A 11

 

The agonising fact about primary and secondary level is the heavy number of "drop-outs" and "pushouts". In the school systems of most of ESCAP countries less than 50% of each age-group remains in schools at the beginning of Grade VII and fewer than 20% have left by the end of Grade X. Due to poverty and other economic and social reasons, a large percentage of pupils who enter the first few classes at the primary level leave

 

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schools midway. A study conducted in Bangladesh has shown that 54.79% of the children in the age-group 6-10 could not go to school due to poverty (for details see Table 12).

 

Table 12:    REASONS FOR NON-ENROLMENT AMONG CHILDREN IN THE 6 TO 10 AGE-GROUP

 

Poverty

Not interested in education

Negligence

Considered underaged

Physically handicapped

Others

Total

54.79

29.45

4.12

8.22

0.68

2.74

100.00

(percentages)

 

SOURCES:       Taherul Islam, Social Justice and the Educational Systems of Bengladesh, Bureau of Economic Research, University of Dacca, April 1973, Table5,p.54

 

Sectorial imbalances among primary, secondary and higher education still plague the formal system in most Asian countries. The pattern of financial allocation is weighted heavily in favour of higher education at the cost of primary education. This has a direct bearing on distributive justice. The vast number of primary schools is located in the rural areas while the universities and other institutions of higher learning are concentrated in the urban areas. Thus, the disproportionately greater expenditure on higher education enables the middle and higher- income groups to be the main beneficiaries rather than the vast majority of low- income groups who live mostly in the rural areas.

Despite quantitative expansion in formal education, illiteracy still plagues most of Asia. For the age group 15 and above, illiteracy rates, according to UNESCO studies is as high as 88% in Pakistan, 82% in India, 66% in Burma and 71% in Singapore (see Table 13).

One of the lessons to be drawn from the Asian experience is that universal primary education cannot be implemented without eradicating rural poverty.

Apart from the general fall in the quality of formal education, the rise in the student-teacher ratio and so on, the content of education remains essentially unscientific and undemocratic. Feudal, chauvinistic and obscurantist ideas often find a central place in the text books prescribed for formal instruction.

Values which promote a subservient attitude towards imperialism, and which justify economic concentration and the growth of industrial and landed monopolies are either explicit in the text books or appear in the subtle manner as the "hidden curricula". In addition to communal, casteist

 

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Table 13:    ILLITERACY RATES (Percentage)

 

Country

Census

Ages 15 and over

Burma

India

Indonesia

Japan

Khmer Republic

Pakistan

Philippines

Republic of Korea

Singapore

Thailand

1954

1971

1961

1961

1958

1951

1970

1960

1957

1960

66 82

74

3

95

88

18

42

71

44

 

SOURCE:   UNESCO, Progress of Education in the Asian Region, Statistical Supplement, Tables 14 and 15, pp.30-34

 

It is generally admitted that there has been a substantial decline in the quality of education. The public revenues spent on education have fallen as a percentage of total budgetary expenditure in many countries. In their attempt to cater to the ever-increasing demand for education, studentteacher ratios have been tilted to very unfavourable levels, (see Table 14).

 

Table 14:    PUPIL-TEACHER RATIOS (number of pupils per teacher)

 

Countries

Primary

Secondary

Primary

Secondary

Afghanistan

35

17

43

25

Burma

74

33

51

32

India

34

25

39a

29a

Indonesia

59

40

17

Malaysia (West)

32

32b

26b

Pakistan

34

26

43c

30

Philippines

51

30d

37c

Republic of Korea

56

30

57b

40

Republic of Vietnam

57

58c

39c

Average

46.1

24.8

43.0

31.2

 

SOURCE:   UNESCO, Development of Education in Asia, Table 39

aFor 1964; bFor 1970; cFor 1968; dFor 1967; eFor 1966

 

and other reactionary ideas, naked-pro-fascist and authoritarian ideas are also sought to be propagated by the syllabi of many formal school and university systems in Asia. These trends are naturally fostered and reinforced by US foundations and their aid programmes. The educational and 'value systems of any society generally reflect the basic socio-economic and

 

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political power structure; though there are lags between the two and one should not expect a one-to-one relationship.

 

Struggle for Reform of Formal Education

Despite the reality that a really liberating educational system can be created only as a concomitant of radical, systemic socio-economic and political change, we should not underestimate the need for waging a continuous and effective struggle for changing the oppressive educational systems obtaining in the Asian countries today. The struggle for changing the system of education is an integral part of the overall struggle for changing society. Hence, the need for articulating our demands for reform in the present systems of education.

The introduction of a truly democratic and scientific system of education is one of the principal tasks of today. Education should be integrated with national life, the needs and aspirations of the people, and should be developed into an instrument of change to solve the problems of our toiling people.

Scientific education means education that imparts necessary skills for the. utilisation of the productive forces available to society as also for improving upon the existing level of technology. It also means education that imparts a scientific consciousness, a scientific attitude towards life, towards society and towards reality as a whole.

Democratic education implies a) establishment of the people's right to education, b) abolition of all class division in the sphere of education, c) right of every student to full employment and utilisation of this productive skill in the productive process for the progress of the people, and d) enriching the people's consciousness through education for living as cultured members of humanity.

It is obvious that education should both be scientific and democratic. More so in Asian countries with a huge potential labour force. It is clear that even universal primary education requires substantial growth of employment. But even universal literacy of the people cannot be ensured unless the present system of society is transformed into a democratic society for the people.

Besides, the present system of education, which emphasises theoretical knowledge to the exclusion of manual labour and skill in production, has split our people into two separate groups with distinct attitudes. The new system of education should, therefore, be evolved in such manner that the present dichotomy between manual and mental labour is eliminated. Throughout the entire field of education, socially useful labour, in accordance with modern scientific methods, must be associated with acquisition of theoretical knowledge as complementary to each other. Besides, at every terminal point of education, there should be a rounding-off course of vocational education so that theoretical knowledge can be dovetailed with practical experience in various branches of industry, agriculture, etc.

 

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Non-Formal Political Education

The very serious crisis and the virtual collapse of formal education have prompted many educationists and public men to look for a new approach to education itself — an education which helps liberation. There is increasing awareness of the serious divorce between formal education and the needs of society in the process of liberation. It is recognised by many that real education is concerned with the creation and dissemination of knowledge in the process of social and political struggles for changing the present unjust societies. Hence, the growing interest by teachers, students and educationists in the philosophical and political content of education

In societies divided by socio-economic classes, the dominant or ruling classes invariably try to subdue or overwhelm the exploited classes by spreading false consciousness. The process of articulation and dissemination of such consciousness becomes synonymous with "education". The system of formal schooling, collegiate and university education, etc. get geared to the over-all ideological requirements of the ruling classes for propagation of false consciousness to keep the other section of the people in line with the ethos of the elite.

There is a dialectical connection between knowing and being. In understanding reality, logic alone is useless; knowledge has to be synthesised through action and experience.

Paulo Freire's educational thought has gripped many in Latin America, Asia and other parts of the world. His writings are widely read by all those who are with a truly humanising and liberating educational programme.

The concern for radical adult literacy campaigns, for which he has stood consistently for a long period, has endeared him to many revolutionaries as well as reformers.43 Paulo Freire has demonstrated through his own pedagogical work and educational experiments that it is possible to raise the social consciousness of the masses and their critical facilities through literacy campaigns. His method of spreading literacy is a radical one, not just another variant of the usual campaigns for literacy. False consciousness among the people can be erased only by a process of "conscientisation" or political educational process through which people take part in changing society — a process of getting awareness of reality in order to transform society in a conscious way.

Educational and literacy programmes, by themselves, cannot achieve the desired result of raising political consciousness. They can be effective only when they are integrated with revolutionary struggles of the working people.

Knowledge is not an end in itself. It becomes meaningful only when it is an instrument useful for producing and transforming man's social life, for continuously improving the conditions of life. Organised education as a means of acquiring knowledge must, therefore, be integrally related to the process of production. The main basis of the process of production is production of material conditions of life. But, by and large, on this base also stand production and reproduction of ideas, of values, of art, literature, philosophy and so on. The base and superstructure react on one another,

 

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and the two cannot be separated. Education, in order to be socially useful must therefore equip the people with the necessary productive skill for material production and with a corresponding level of consciousness. No meaningful social progress is possible today without full utilisation of the inventions and discoveries of science and technology on the one hand, and fully unleashing the productive and creative powers of the people on the other. That cannot be achieved by reforming the educational system alone. But, within the sphere of education, as one of the instruments of change, it is essential to struggle for establishing a scientific and democratic system of education.

 

The Role of the Church in Asia Today

The contemporary era is one of radical change in the social and political structures and the deepening general crisis of capitalism. Socialism is no longer a mere ideology; it exists in a tangible form as the world socialist system competing successfully with the decaying world of capitalist system. In this revolutionary movement of the socialist forces the world over the Church has not been left untouched. In fact, many Christians who are actively concerned with social change and justice for the oppressed millions feel the necessity of being in the revolution. Along with the growth of the democratic and socialist movements there have been shifts towards the left of various segments of the population in Asian countries including believers in the Christian faith. It is getting difficult for the Church hierarchy to convince the believers that the existing socio-economic and political order was given by God and, therefore, any attempt to tamper with it was a sin against God. 44

Religious establishments did try in the past and continue to try today to prop up the existing order of society by promising "rewards in heaven for enduring the pain of earth, thus stifling all attempts to change the real social conditions of the world." 45 No wonder Marx called religion as "the opium of the people".

Despite the increasing awareness of many Christian groups on the problem of this world, we are faced today, with an essentially "status quo" church. It is true that the old "anti-communist phobia" of the established church is slowly disappearing, yet, the overall character of the Church, as an organised body of men, remains essentially that of "status quo".

The Church is linked heavily with the exploiting classes, these classes having the hegemony not only of State power, but of the Established Church as well.

Though Jospeh L. Hromadka's suggestion that Marx's atheism "may be the result of the discovery of man under the rubble of official Christianity"46 cannot be regarded as an adequate explanation of the philosophical basis of Marx's atheism, it underlines the basic criticism about the alienation of the Church from Man and Society. Our predicament today is to discover man under the rubble of a conservative and "status quo" church linked with the exploiting classes.

Most of the talk now going inside the church on the subject of

 

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"revolution or liberation", unfortunately is a camouflage for the not discredited "liberal" and "reformist" attitude. Unfortunately, there is a lot of talk, but. little action. This is typical of the liberal in Asia whose equivocation was described by Rammachar Lohia in the following words-

"The liberal of Asia is a pompous phrase-maker devoid of a base in reality. Socialist in speech and conservative in action he declares a recurrent war on famine and keeps on promising self-sufficiency in food along side of blaming his failures on skies that did not send rain. He continuously threatens corruption and capitalism with destruction but reveals his true self of sanctimonious hypocrisy by distributing patronage, permits and loans ... He is a lie and a fraud but always with charming and usual phrases. He must always appear indecisive and frequently change his opinion and must altogether be confused, for, otherwise, he opens himself to the charge of dogmatism." 47

A true revolutionary cannot be content with reforms within the existing order of system of society. "A revolutionary will accept a reform in order to use it as an aid in continuing legal work with illegal work, to intensify under its cover, the illegal work for the revolutionary preparation of the masses for the overthrow of the bourgeosie." 48 A reformist on the other hand accepts "bestowed" reforms in order to blunt the revolution and to thwart its onward march. Christians who are in the revolution have no choice but to accept the revolutionary strategy.

If Christians want to be revolutionaries, two things are imperative: i) Knowledge of the world, the historical processes, knowledge of society and social relationships, their laws as historical materialism discovers them; and ii) social and political action to translate this knowledge into practice and to enrich the knowledge itself through practice. Only when revolutionary action has been performed, only when Christians enter into the political arena for the seizure of State power on behalf of the working class and its allies, can Christians legitimately call themselves revolutionaries.

A pre-requisitie for effective Christian participation in liberation is the ability of enlightened Christian groups to initiate radical changes within the Church. This means that within the Church there must be an enlightened group which believes in and is prepared to act for the plausibility of a different socio-economic and political order and a democratic order within the Church. "Shouldn't we eliminate hierachical structures within the Church?" "Shouldn't we limit the luxury of the sanctuaries?" "Shouldn't we relinquish traditional pomposity of worship ceremonies and rich embelishments of the vestments?" All these are relevant questions. But the question on which the Christians's sincerity for the revolutionary cause will be judged is the practice of liberation.49 In other words, the Church, to be part of revolution, must stand unhesitatingly and solidly with the working class and its allies against the capital - landlord power and against imperialism and take the revolutionary movement to its destiny.

 

Concluding Remarks

I am happy to note that the W.S.C.F. and I.M.C.S. have made a step

 

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forward from the traditional and sometimes narrowly construed concept of "ecumenism" and have striven for the forgoing of "unity not only among themselves but-with all who would identify and work with the dispossessed, the poor, the oppressed and the exploited millions of Asia." 50

Students, youth and intellectuals can find meaning in life only when they identify themselves with the life and experience of the working people.

Rising working class discontent, the increasing turbulence among the peasantry, greater organisation and political awareness of agricultural labour, the general urban discontent, and student revolts in many parts of Asia indicate the inevitability of radical change in all the citadels of neocolonialism, landlordism and monopoly capitalism in Asia.

The experience of the mass struggles during the last few years point towards the urgent need for unity of the working class and wider unity between the workers and peasants and also the middle classes. There are already visible signs of this emerging unity. It is reflected in the foregoing of links among different trade unions and political parties which have gone into joint action on issues affecting the vast masses of the people, whether it be the defence of the trade union rights of the working class, minimum wages, bonus or against the price rise or against blackmarketing and hoarding of food materials. The participation of increasing sections of the people in such struggles in defiance of lathis, teargas shells and bullets unmistakably reveal the growing urge for unity and united actions.

Students have an important role in moulding unity among various sections of the toiling people, in the on-going struggles of Asian peoples. But they can be a truly liberating force only as they unite with the organised movements of the working class, peasants, youth, women and other sections of the people. Those who are socially aware will, in the process, shed whatever wrong values they inherited from their privileged positions and become integral parts of the working class movement through a process of de-classing.

Some of the major problems of Asian countries are similar; but there are substantial variations; hence, the need for a detailed study and analysis of each country and region and in terms of specific historical, socioeconomic, political and cultural contexts.

People of Asian countries cannot rely on their Governments for improving their conditions of material and cultural life because those governments represent the narrow interests of the minority, exploiting dominant classes. Hence, the need for struggle for changing the power structures by new structures of people's democratic power.

In order to achieve the above objectives, people must get organised; only through organised action can people be really liberated from exploitative and oppressive structures.

These struggles and organised actions are primarily limited within national boundaries; but mutual international concern by peoples of all Asian countries is a necessity, apart from such concern being a natural expression of their commitment for the liberation of all mankind.

 

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I hope that the Assembly and its proceedings will add to our knowledge of the contemporary world, particularly that of Asia and its problems and motivate all those who imbibe the message of the Assembly to participate in the struggle for real self-reliance in Asia.

 

FOOTNOTES:

1.   The Minutes of the Preparatory Committee Meeting for the WSCFIMCS Pan Asian Assembly, 1976

2.   D. Boone Schirmer, "The Philippine Conception and Gestation of a Neo-colony", Journal of Contemporary Asia, Vol 5 No 1 1975, p.53.

3.   George Lee, "Commodity Production and Reproduction among the Malayan Peasantry", Journal of Contemporary Asia, Vol. 3, No. 4. 1973, p.441.

4.   M.R. Stenson, Industrial Conflict in Malaysia, Oxford University Press, London, 1970, pp.148-180.

5.   Manila Times, Banking Supplement, October 29,1971

6.   For a good summary of the destructive effects of the European impact on underdeveloped countries, see K. Griffin, Underdevelopment in Spanish America, 1969.

 7.  Normal Girvan, "The Question of Compensation: A Third World Perspective" Race, Vol. XVI, No. 1, July 1974, p. 56.

8.   For an interesting proposal for calculating compensation for the "Third World" countries, see the article by Norman Girvan, in Race, Vol. XVI, No. 1, July, 1974, pp. 53-82.

9.   At one of the conferences initiated by the UN, a resolution (resolution 60-111) invited the developed countries to take into consideration the views expressed that "a) on average, interest rates on official development loans should not exceed 2% per annum; b) maturity periods of such loans should be at least 25 to 40 years and grace periods should be not less than 7 to 10 years; c) the proportion of grants in total assistance of each developed country should be progressively increased, and countries, contributing less than the 1970 Development Assistance Committee average of 63% of their total assistance in the form of grants should reach that level not later than 1975."

See United Nations, The Second United Nations Development Deacde: Trends and Policies in the First Two Years, 1974, p. 24

10.  Direct costs to the ESCAP countries from transfer of technology in 1968 constituted 37% of their public debt service payments and 56% of the annual flow of direct private investments. See United Nations, The Second United Nations Development Decade: Trends and Policies in the First Two Years, 1974, p. 36

11.  United Nations, Economic Survey of Asia and the Far East, 1972, p.42

12.  Ibid.,p.42

 

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13.  Eduardo de Sousa Ferreira, Portuguese Colonialism in Africa: The End of an Era, UNESCO Press, Paris.

14.  For the rare appearance of titles of classified projects, see U.S. Congressional Records: Study by M.L. Thomas on "Rural Value Systems, Republic of Vietnam", sponsored by the Defence Department's Advance-Research Projects Agency (ARPA).

15.  Jack Satuder, "The Relevance of Anthropology to Colonialism and Imperialism", Race, Vol. XIV, No. 1, July, 1974, p.l4

16.  Quoted from the recruiting letter for Project Camelot in I.L. Horowitz. The Rise and Fall of Project Camelot, Cambridge, Mass, 1967, pp. 47-49

17.  Susantha Goonitalake, "Imperialism and Development Studies: A Case Study", Race and Class, Vol. XVI, No. 2, October 1974.

18.  Mare Undenberg, "The Politics of Foreign Investment in South East Asia from 1945-1973", Journal of Contemporary Asia, Vol. 5, No. 1, 1975,p.11.

19.  Arnold Abrams, "Back in Business", Far Eastern Economic Review, August 26,1972.

20.  Yamakawa Akio, "Post-Vietnam Japan-U.S. Relations: Greater Cooperation and Growing Contradictions", AMPO (Japan-Asia Quarterly Review), Vol. 7, No. 3, July-September, 1975, p.2.

21.  T. Kawata, "The Asian Stituation and Japan's Economic Relations with Developing Countries", Quaker Seminar on the Impacts of Foreign Investment, Penang Malaysia, September 1971.

22.  United Nations, Economic Survey of Asia and the Far East, 1972, Part I.

23.  World Bank, Rural Development, (Sector Policy Paper), February 1975, p.4.

24.  S. Picker, "Sources of Stability and Instability in Rural Thai Society," Journal of Asian Studies, Vol 27, August 1968, P. 789

25.  See Professor Turn's work regarding the Central Plains.

26.  J.C. Ingram, Economic Change in Thailand 1850-1970 (New Edition, 1971), p.268

27.  Documents of the World Food Conference, Rome, 1974

28.  Cited in Harry Cleaver, "The Contradictions of the Green Reveotution", Monthly Review, June, 1973

29.  An expression used by Hubert Humphrey.

30.  Anand G. Chandravarkar, Asian Department Advisor of the International Monetary Fund points to the experience of developing countries. . "Even developing countries are able to achieve growth rates reaching 9 to 11% a year (which would be above the target of 6% of the UN's Second Development Decade), this would hardly make a dent on the immense backlog of unemployed, let alone absorb the expected increase in the labour force", The Hindustan Standard (Calcutta), January 5, 1973

 

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31.  United Nations Conference on Trade and Development Special Measures in Favour of the Least Developed Among the Developing Countries, p.1.

32.  United Nations, Continuity and Change: Development at Mid-decade (Comments and Recommendations of the Committee for Development Planning), 1975, p.1.

33.  Ibid, p.1.

34. United Nations, Industrialisation for New Development Needs (Views and Recommendations of the Committee for Development Planning) 1974. p.1.

35. For detailed discussion on the "people oriented" programmes, see

a)   United Nations, Attack on Mass poverty and Unemployment

b)   United Nations, Reviewing the Development Priority. This was the first review and appraisal of the Second United Nations Development Decade.

36.  Untied Nations, Industrialisation for New Development Needs (United Nations, New York, 1974), p.3.

37.  Explanations by Professor Robert B. Stauffer to his article on "The Marcos Coup in the Philippines", Monthly Review, April, 1973, p.19.

38.  Hamza Alavi, "Rural Bases of Political Power in South Asia", Journal of Contemporary Asia, Vol.4. No.4, 1974, p.413.

39.  Eqbal Ahmed, "Pakistan Signposts to a Police State", Journal of Contemporary Asia, Vol.4, No.4, 1974, p.423.

40.  Quoted in AMPO (Japan-Asia Quarterly Review), Vol.7 No. 1, Winter, 1975. p.32. Also see: Kirn Chi Ha, The Cry of the People and Other Poems, Nicola Geiger, ed. Autumn Press, Kanagawaken, Japan.

41.  Francois Houtart, "Non-Socialist Countries in South and East Asia", Social Scientist, No.45, April 1976.

42.  United Nations, Economic Survey of Asia and the Far East, 1973, p.4.

43.  The educational thoughts of Paulo Freire and his concept of "conscientisation" however, do not improve on the basic Marxist pedagogy of education.

44.  This was indeed the line taken by the German Church. See Charles M. Savage, "Critiques Re 'considered'". Study Encounter (Division of Studies, WCC, Geneva), Vol.IV, No. 1,1968, p.3.

45.  Ibid., p.3.

46.  Joseph L. Hromadka, "Gospel of Atheists", Risk (Youth Department, WCC, Geneva), 1965, p.25.

47.  Rammanohar Lohia, Will to Power and Other Writings, Navahind Publications, Hyderabad, 1956, p.25.

48.  Stalin, Problems of Leninism, p.94

49.  The same point was made by Jurgen Moltmann in his article on "The Theology of Revolution", in New Christian, December 12, 1965, p.9.

50.  Pan Asian Assembly, WSCF-IMCS, May 13-22, 1976, Background Paper.