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ROLE OF FAITH

SAIDI

1. The struggle for self-reliance is more urgent in the last two decades. This is caused by a strategy of development rule in the developing countries which has brought these countries to depend heavily on the developed countries.

The strategy of development, oriented to increase the GNP only often brings about problems caused by investment which requires highly sophisticated and capital intensive technology. This has resulted in heavy indebtedness of the developing countries on the one hand and the increased profits of the foreign investors on the other hand.

Inefficient administration, corruption, and mismanagement of funds add to the dramatics of this kind of development which is characteristic of most developing countries in Asia.

2. Foreign investments in developing countries give more negative effects than positive ones. It does not make use of local manpower resources and it stifles local investments. The benefits of foreign investments are enjoyed by a minority elite.

"Prisma", a well-known social science magazine in Indonesia, has a

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progress report on the Slums in Jakarta in its February 1976 issue. It was reported that the income of the slum dwellers in Jakarta was a miserable Rp. 280 ($0.60) per capita. They occupy a major section of the city. According to research done by the Himpunan Kerukunan Tani Indonesia (The Indonesia Farmer Association) the farmer's income per capita in middle Java was Rp. 40. — ($0.10). Such features are also common to other cities in Asia where development benefits the rich at the expense of the poor.

Indonesian Research Minister once described the income-distribution pattern as follows:

a. 40% of the low income get 15% from the National Income,

b. 40% of the middle income get 32% from the National Income,

c. 20% of the high income get 53% from the National Income., It could be concluded from the above statistics that the largest portion of the National Income was enjoyed by a very small group of inhabitants.

3. A strategy of development should be concerned not only with increasing the National Income but also in ensuring a fair distribution of the income and self-reliance. It should concentrate on reducing the gap between the haves and the have-nots. The chances for motivating people to struggle for self-reliance would grow dimmer as the number of poor people increases.

A strategy of development is effective when it is able to mobilise the resources of the poor.

4. In my opinion, self-reliance is closely related to social justice. One cannot exist without the other. The main responsibility for achievement of these goals lies with the government as it is the largest organisation in the society.

From the Islamic point of view, social justice is of utmost important. No matter how often a Muslim worships, if he does not appreciate the rights of the poor, it is useless. God has reiterated that the possessions of the rich are meant to be used for others. Woe to the rich who hoard their possessions. The Holy Quran mentioned that: "Who does not attend to the poor denies the judgement (Religion)". (Al-Maun).

Thus, religion has given us the motivation to strive for social justice. I think that such motivations can also be found in other religions. This is the same truth that will bring all of us together to work for the cause of social justice and self-reliance.

Social injustice, oppression and exploitation are symptoms of a decaying society. As members of the younger generation, we must rearrange our society so that the future society will be a better place than now.

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SEMINAR GROUP

Historical Analysis:

When we examine the history of faith (including Christianity), we must be aware of the absolute identification of the faith with the vehicle which carried it to our region (that is, colonialism). If we reject the validity of the historical accompaniment to the spreading faith (feudalism, colonialism), will we also reject the faith itself? At the same time, we must see that the expansion of Western capitalism/imperialism served the self interest of European states. Our critique of the history of faith must therefore examine radically and condemn the "colonial sins". The Christians of colonialist heritage are therefore called to metanoia (repentance).

Historically, the language and the thinking of faith has been in the control of the elite, the educated few. This is still so today. As a result, Christian doctrines have been twisted to serve the interests of the few. "Election" has become a doctrine of "elitism"; "charity" (caritas) became "mere charity"; providence was turned into an idea of acceptance, passivity;

justice became another worldly notion; and so on. The righteousness of the Almighty was translated into a wrath concerned with individual moralities, instead of social justice.

At first, Christianity aimed at proselytisation. It offered eternal salvation (subjective Christianity). This produced a kind of ghetto or elite mentality (Christians over against the others). This produced a disincarnate spirituality, concerned only with "personal" matters and values. Out of the resulting sense of security (in this life and the next) arises passivity on the part of Christians.

This proselytisation is "carried" by Western civilisation. Hence the con-fusion of Christianity and Western civilisation. Beware of absolutising this confusion. i

The vision of society at this period is basically vertical: this is crystalised in the notion of obedience (which leads to acceptance and passivity). Love is reduced to mere charity: this is crystalised in the "welfare system" created by the Church. The schools and hospitals are for Christians, creating elitism amongst Christians. Before long, the poor can no longer afford the price of these services. What is more, the welfare system gives to the Christians a self-sufficiency amongst Christians that cuts them off from the rest of the community and the people's local structures.

The Church became a land-owner. While this gave security to the Church, the Church thereby lost her prophetic voice, since it thereby owed allegiance to the state/the powers in order to protect the property. With this link to the political powers, the Church became a dominating force, rather than a liberating one.

There have always been a few exceptions to the loss of prophetic voice: we can see occasional prophetic signs. But the lack of the prophetic

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role has alienated the younger people, while the increase of security makes the Church more and more attractive to older people.

Several problems remain. (1) The dialectical relationship between the Church and the world. (2) The psychological drive of humanity towards security and the status quo. (3) We cannot limit "the Church" merely to our own experience; that is, we must always look further for "signs" of renewal with which we can align ourselves. (4) There is a continuing pedagogical problem: our language and concepts must be continually re-assessed in our local and specific situations. At the same time, we can affirm the idea that everyone is a theologian: theology must not be the preserve of the elite few. The enterprise of theology must therefore belong to the people.

The role of faith: What should it be?

The role of faith is to involve me in the struggle with the people, even at the cost of my own life. Faith draws me to identification with the people. Faith is real only in terms of involvement in society.

Faith should always be a liberating force, enabling us to see reality critically. Faith is also my motivation to join the struggle of humanity. Faith involves a radical change in my lifestyle, values and commitment. Faith should interpret reality: we see the world in the light of Gospel values.

Faith should raise the possibilities and potentialities of our situation. We are confronted with death (reality, the cross of Jesus) but at the same time with resurrection (hope, confidence). This makes all the difference. See, for example, the qualitative difference between the death of Che Guevara and the death of Nestor Paz (Paz was able to die joyfully).

Faith, in this dialectic, tests our commitment over and over again. For example, the Aborigines in Australia ask: how long will we have to endure this trial?

Faith confronts us with more than the social and political struggle for liberation. More radically, the liberation of Christ is also liberation from sin and from death.

The role of faith vis-à-vis ideology is to criticise the injustice expressed in the praxis of the ideology. Faith always criticises the negation of humanity or the denial of God's covenant. In the Marxist sense, an ideology is used to justify the status quo. Marxism claims to be truly "scientific" and therefore sees faith/ religion as justifying the oppressive structures and covering up the reality.

We may admit that in this sense we all have some sort of ideology (we all have some sort of justification for our struggle for liberation). Faith in itself is not ideology, but since faith does not exist in the abstract (faith exists among people in society), faith has a role to purify our ideology. We cannot aspire to the "perfect society" or "perfect truth" (this would be to confuse faith and ideology), therefore we need faith to purify our ideology.

Some Christians (most Christians) accept elements of capitalism. Rather than confuse our faith with Western (capitalist) culture, we must ask "What is true in capitalism; what is true in Marxism?" In the sense that

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many Christians accept Marxist epistemology, we can call them "Marxist". But if "being Marxist" means accepting the thought of Marx, Lenin etc. to the last degree, then there is a radical difference between Marxism and Christianity. '

Of course, to deal with the Marxist challenge that Christianity is itself an ideology in the Marxist sense, then we must go further.

Challenges to W.S.C.F. and I.M.C.S.

The first challenge lies in the obvious lack of theological reflection, that is reflection which arises from our perception of the reality. We point to the need for creating models of spiritual growth and development which relate the struggle for liberation in society to our faith.

One such model, developed not in Asia but in Latin America, is as follows. A simple spiritual faith first discovers love, which leads to a commitment that expresses itself in "welfare", often in a paternalistic way. When politicisation occurs, the spiritual element is abandoned. At most, Christianity is a human "leader", like Che Guevara. Faith is gradually rediscovered by the people as a gift: people discover the gratuitousness of faith and at the same time the limitations of mankind. The core of faith is now perceived as the gift of love. Now, Christ is no "leader" or "slogan", but he is perceived as the One who announces the Kingdom.

Now, the human and the divine come together. Mature faith always criticises politicisation and political commitment, for God cannot tolerate idols. Faith therefore becomes a critic (of course, not the only one) of politics. Faith/ hope criticises our goals and objectives. At this stage the dialectic arises between the human reality and the divine/human faith.

At the purely political stage, there is no need for prayer or liturgy. But when we discover the gratuity of God's love and the limitations of people, then we need liturgy and joy and celebration: at this stage, true repentance (metanoia) occurs. In contrast, the purely political stage can be a "mental illness factory", breeding a pathological mentality.

Do we need the Church? At the stage of politicisation, the Church is perceived as "establishment" and is therefore rejected. When we discover our own limitations, we also need to pray and to celebrate the faith. I need the Church because I am a sinner.

The challenge may be stated (1) to be in the struggle for liberation, where faith may not be a priority; (2) for Christians to rediscover their faith authentically within the context of the struggle.

The challenge, in terms of the above model (which does not claim to be and must not be seen as absolute), is not only to speak and act prophetically against injustice but also announce the spiritual liberation.

The challenge for the search for an authentic articulation of our faith will take years! We are not yet able to articulate our faith. We must undertake planning and specific programmes in order to deepen our •theology and pedagogical understanding. We must develop our own models. We will not force our models on all people, but insofar as WSCF & IMCS

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seek genuine involvement with the people in their struggle, we must b( by working this out on the basis of our Christian convictions and understanding.

How do we understand the challenge of the Church? (1) The Church challenges us to be the prophetic voice within the Church. (2) Conversely, we challenge the Church to be prophetic in its actions (for example, to ;

the land back to the Aborigines in Australia). (3) Finally, insofar as identify ourselves with the Church (in whatever sense), the challenge co:

from secular society to prove that the faith/ the Church has a contribution to make to the struggle for liberation.